How Nelson Mandela won the rugby World Cup

Francois Pienaar receives the rugby World Cup from Nelson Mandela in 1995 

John Carlin

The last time South Africa made the rugby final its new black president congratulated the Springboks' white captain - and the Rainbow Nation was born, recalls John Carlin

By a series of odd coincidences I found myself in Mississippi one evening in June last year sitting in someone's lounge with Morgan Freeman. I said to him, only three-quarters jokingly, "Mr Freeman, I have a film for you."

"Oh yes," he said, "what's it about?"

"It's about an event that distils the essence of Nelson Mandela's genius and the essence of the South African miracle."

"Do you mean the rugby game?" he said.

"Yes, I do," I replied. "The 1995 rugby World Cup final."
In the 16 months since that Mississippi encounter, I have written a book about all this; Freeman has announced he is going to play Mandela in a film based on the book, to be directed in all likelihood by Clint Eastwood; and South Africa have made it to the World Cup final again, with an elderly Mandela hoping to be in attendance – as he was, to sensational effect, in 1995.
Quite why it was so sensational is what my book is about. The short answer is that it was on that day that he captured the hearts of white South Africa. The rugby game was the orgiastic conclusion of the most unlikely exercise in political seduction ever undertaken.
When Mandela was arrested in 1962, he was founder and commander in chief of the military wing of the African National Congress, Umkhonto we Sizwe, regarded by the generality of white South Africans as a terrorist organisation hell-bent on destroying their supremely privileged way of life.
The image of Mandela as the embodiment of white South Africa's worst fears endured during the 27 years he spent in jail – as it did for the rugby-loving Afrikaner rump on February 11, 1990, the day he walked out of prison.
Three and half years later – two years before the rugby World Cup – tens of thousands of Afrikaners were bracing themselves for war. United under the banner of the far right Volksfront, they vowed to stop Mandela from taking power.

They did not succeed, largely because Mandela secretly invited their leaders to his home for tea and persuaded them, over time, to abandon their guns. A good half of the aspirant Boer freedom-fighters did not agree with their leaders, which meant that after Mandela became president in May 1994 the prospect of Boer terrorism remained alarmingly real.
With far more people trained in how to make war than the IRA ever had, they had it in them to undermine the stability of the post-apartheid democracy and do terrible damage to the economy.
That was why Mandela set it as his number one strategic priority during his five-year presidency to cement, as he put it, the foundations of the new South Africa; to reconcile whites with the black majority to whom they had done so much harm.
It was a Herculean political challenge but in the World Cup, to be played in South Africa a year after he came to power, Mandela saw an opportunity not to be missed.
The ANC had spent years using rugby as a stick with which to beat white people (talk to any prominent Afrikaner from those days and they'll tell you how much the international rugby boycott hurt); Mandela said, why not use it now as a carrot? Why not use the Springbok team to unite the most divided nation on earth around a common goal?
So, barely a month after he had taken office, he invited François Pienaar, the Springbok captain, for tea at his office in Pretoria. He wooed him instantly ("I felt like a wide-eyed kid listening to an old man telling stories," Pienaar told me) and, without the big blond son of apartheid quite knowing it yet, recruited him to the new South Africa cause.
Mandela's challenges did not only lie on the white side of the apartheid fence. He had to do some tough political persuasion among his own black supporters too.

They had been brought up to detest rugby. Next to the old anthem and the old flag, there existed no more repellent symbol of apartheid than the green Springbok shirt. That was why the blacks-only pens at rugby stadiums were always full on international match days, cheering the Springboks' opponents.
But Mandela set himself the mission of converting black South Africans to the perplexing notion that "the Boks belonged to all of us now", as he put it to me.
And this even though he knew that the team for the 1995 World Cup would be all white, with the possible exception of a "coloured" wing called Chester Williams.
"They booed me! " Mandela recalled, chuckling only long after the event. "My own people, they booed me when I stood before them, urging them to support the Springboks!"
But eventually, Mandela being a natural-born persuader and black South Africans an amazingly forgiving lot, he achieved his goal. Come the morning of the final, on June 24, 1995, black South Africans were as excited as their white compatriots, and as desperate to see the Amabokoboko (as the Sowetan newspaper dubbed the national team) win.
Pienaar and company deserved much of the credit for this. The clever, politically sharp CEO of the South African rugby union, Edward Griffiths, had come up with a slogan that was brilliant in its simplicity: "One Team, One Country.
" Morné du Plessis, a former Springbok captain and now team manager, had worked hard to make the players see that they had a role to play in helping Mandela unite the country. It was du Plessis who arranged for the players to learn the old song of black resistance, now the new national anthem, Nkosi Sikelele Afrika (God Bless Africa).

At a choir session in Cape Town, the Springbok players belted out the black song with feeling, the vast second-row Boer Kobus Wiese leading the choral charge.
As the World Cup unfolded, following a great inaugural victory by South Africa over Australia, the players as well as the white fans were struck by the growing enthusiasm of the hitherto rugby-illiterate black population.
The sight of those vast Boers singing their song at the start of each game and then winning it was a combination increasingly difficult for black South Africans to resist. This in turn nourished the Afrikaners' budding sense of new South African fellow feeling.
Mandela's coup de grâce, the final submission of white South Africa to his charms, came minutes before the final itself when the old terrorist-in-chief went on to the pitch to shake hands with the players dressed in the colours of the ancient enemy, the green Springbok shirt.
For a moment, Ellis Park Stadium, 95 per cent white on the day, stood in dumb, disbelieving silence. Then someone took up a cry that others followed, ending in a thundering roar: "Nel-son! Nel-son! Nel-son!"
And that was almost it. White South Africa had crowned Mandela king with the fervour black South Africa had done five years earlier at a stadium in Soweto, in the week after his release.
But there was still the matter of a game to be played against a formidable New Zealand team – and, in the view of every sane rugby pundit alive, the Springboks didn't stand a chance.
They were wrong. With Mandela playing as an invisible 16th man, Joel Stransky, the one Jewish player in the Springbok team, kicked the winning drop goal in extra time.
Mandela emerged again, still in his green jersey, and, to even louder cries of "Nel-son! Nel-son!", walked on to the pitch to shake the hand of François Pienaar.
As he prepared to hand over the cup to his captain, he said: "François, thank you for what you have done for our country." Pienaar, with extraordinary presence of mind, replied: "No, Mr President. Thank you for what you have done."



I spoke to a friend, a white, anti-apartheid veteran who was in the thick of the Boer throng at the stadium that day. As he put it: "There wasn't a dry eye in the house." There wasn't a dry eye in the country. Everybody celebrated. Every township, every white suburb: one country at last.
Has the goodwill endured? Of course not. That intensity of Utopian unity would have been impossible to sustain anywhere, much less in a country with a history. But Mandela did succeed in his great presidential mission.
From that day on, the violent Right barely uttered a squeak; the logic of white counter-revolution never materialised; South Africa was more stable than at any point since the arrival of the first white settlers in 1652.
And that remains true today, even if President Thabo Mbeki (wily political operator though he is) is not remotely in Mandela's class as a man, even if South Africa is beset by problems regarding crime, education, housing and health that assail so many other countries like it.
Whether things in South Africa will improve, or over time go the way of Zimbabwe, no one can know. What should last forever (and a film by Clint Eastwood ought to help ensure that it does) is the example of magnanimity that Mandela has left as his legacy for his country and the world.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu, a lifelong rugby fan who will be hoping the 16th man will work his magic again tomorrow, got it right when I asked him what the significance of that 1995 rugby World Cup final had been. "The lesson is simple and wonderfully encouraging," Tutu said. "If it happened once, it can happen again."
• John Carlin reported on South Africa's transformation in the 1990s as a Johannesburg bureau chief. His book, 'The Human Factor: Nelson Mandela and the Game That Saved South Africa', will be published next year by Penguin Press


Courtesy:http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/features/3634426/How-Nelson-Mandela-won-the-rugby-World-Cup.html

Madiba's Rainbow nation policy

The weak can never forgive. Forgiveness is the attribute of the strong.

-          Mahatma Gandhi

During the bloody partition, Gandhi advocated forgiveness policy to Indians to save lives from Hindu/Sikhs-Muslim riots. With recent riots in UP, it appears that bitter rivalry between the communities still exists in patches and Indians haven’t accepted fully what Gandhi preached them long back. People of South Africa too exposed to same ‘1947’ situation in 1994 when the Apartheid regime ended. When Mandela was released in 1992, country was in bad shape. Power struggle within African National Congress was visible on the streets of Durban with unabated violent incidents. Sensing the loopholes, apartheid nationalists secretly armed the trouble mongers with guns and money. With the country spiraling into civil war, Mandela gave a pacification speech in front of agitated 100,000 ANC supporters.

“Take your knives, and your guns  ... and your pangas.

… and throw them into sea”

After massive win of ANC in 1994, Whites feared a lot believing the blacks may be in retributive mood to avenge the sufferings they consumed during apartheid rule. Under Apartheid regime, blacks were superimposed with separateness policy. Education, healthcare, public transportation, even voting right appeared taboo for them. With land acquisition policy start happening in countries like Zimbabwe, Angola, Mozambique, whites argued among themselves that they too will get same treatment.  But with election of Mandela as president, has saved the whites and the new concept called “Rainbow Nation “ had been introduced to fellow South Africans. Mandela himself an Enthusiastic follower of Gandhi, taught the beautiful topic of forgiveness and reconciliation to blacks. The racial bloodbath feared by many had been averted with this concept.

In his first speech as president, below were the words from him in building a nation which was racially disturbed for decades.

"We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white - will be able to walk tall. A Rainbow Nation at peace with itself and the world."

With fellow blacks, questioning Mandela that “How to reconcile with same persons who beaten them, tortured them, grabbed their fundamental rights?”.Mandela replied that

 I learned that courage was not the absence of fear, but the triumph over it. The brave man is not he who does not feel afraid, but he who conquers that fear.

Following the footsteps of ‘Abraham Lincoln’, Mandela concentrated more on reconciliation policy than on nation’s crime control,currency crisis issues at that time. Two of his finest moments as a reconciler came when he had tea with the widow of apartheid architect Hendrik Verwoerd and when he donned the Springbok rugby jersey to congratulate the mainly white team's victory in the 1995 Rugby World Cup.

In reality after nearly two decades from independence, blacks haven’t achieved the socio-economic status to the expected extent. Yet white South Africans, who account for 8.7 percent of the population of 53 million, on average earn six times more than their black counterparts and still have access to better education, medical care and housing. Still whites own the land farms and blacks work in these farms with very less wages. With death of Mandela, few white scaremongers started to believe that whites will be threatened, rainbow nation policy will be nullified and nation would be returned to dogs. 

Though “rainbow nation” is far from complete, with opportunities for the black majority still limited,  people of south Africa had defied the stereotypes, negative expectations by gradually built their nation in last few decades. With every passing years, generations among whites and blacks are coming closer and closer. It is heartening to see blacks and whites have been singing and dancing together in honor of Mandela in Pretoria streets, which is never seen two decades back. Lets hope that the nation will set example for the people of other nations about reconciliation after decades of conflict.

Remembering the wonderful words of Mandela 

Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.

Bangladesh war: The article that changed history

On 13 June 1971, an article in the UK's Sunday Times exposed the brutality of Pakistan's suppression of the Bangladeshi uprising. It forced the reporter's family into hiding and changed history.

Abdul Bari had run out of luck. Like thousands of other people in East Bengal, he had made the mistake - the fatal mistake - of running within sight of a Pakistani patrol. He was 24 years old, a slight man surrounded by soldiers. He was trembling because he was about to be shot.
So starts one of the most influential pieces of South Asian journalism of the past half century.
Written by Anthony Mascarenhas, a Pakistani reporter, and printed in the UK's Sunday Times, it exposed for the first time the scale of the Pakistan army's brutal campaign to suppress its breakaway eastern province in 1971.
Nobody knows exactly how many people were killed, but certainly a huge number of people lost their lives. Independent researchers think that between 300,000 and 500,000 died. The Bangladesh government puts the figure at three million.
The strategy failed, and Bangladeshis are now celebrating the 40th anniversary of the birth of their country. Meanwhile, the first trial of those accused of committing war crimes has recently begun in Dhaka.

Anthony Mascarenhas

• July 1928: Born in Goa
• 1930s: Educated in Karachi
• June 1971: Exposes war crimes in East Pakistan that alter international opinion
• 1972: Wins international journalism awards
• 1979: Reports that Pakistan has developed nuclear weapons

There is little doubt that Mascarenhas' reportage played its part in ending the war. It helped turn world opinion against Pakistan and encouraged India to play a decisive role.

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi told the then editor of the Sunday Times, Harold Evans, that the article had shocked her so deeply it had set her "on a campaign of personal diplomacy in the European capitals and Moscow to prepare the ground for India's armed intervention," he recalled.
Not that this was ever Mascarenhas' intention. He was, Evans wrote in his memoirs, "just a very good reporter doing an honest job".
He was also very brave. Pakistan, at the time, was run by the military, and he knew that he would have to get himself and his family out of the country before the story could be published - not an easy task in those days.
"His mother always told him to stand up and speak the truth and be counted," Mascarenhas's widow, Yvonne, recalled (he died in 1986). "He used to tell me, put a mountain before me and I'll climb it. He was never daunted."

 

A map of Pakistan before the 1971 war 

 

When the war in what was then East Pakistan broke out in March 1971, Mascarenhas was a respected journalist in Karachi, the main city in the country's dominant western wing, on good terms with the country's ruling elite. He was a member of the city's small community of Goan Christians, and he and Yvonne had five children.

The conflict was sparked by elections, which were won by an East Pakistani party, the Awami League, which wanted greater autonomy for the region.

While the political parties and the military argued over the formation of a new government, many Bengalis became convinced that West Pakistan was deliberately blocking their ambitions.
The situation started to become violent. The Awami League launched a campaign of civil disobedience, its supporters attacked many non-Bengali civilians, and the army flew in thousands of reinforcements.
On the evening of 25 March it launched a pre-emptive strike against the Awami League, and other perceived opponents, including members of the intelligentsia and the Hindu community, who at that time made up about 20% of the province's 75 million people.
In the first of many notorious war crimes, soldiers attacked Dhaka University, lining up and executing students and professors.
Their campaign of terror then moved into the countryside, where they battled local troops who had mutinied.
Initially, the plan seemed to work, and the army decided it would be a good idea to invite some Pakistani reporters to the region to show them how they had successfully dealt with the "freedom fighters".

Bangladesh independence war, 1971

• Civil war erupts in Pakistan, pitting the West Pakistan army against East Pakistanis demanding autonomy and later independence
• Fighting forces an estimated 10 million East Pakistani civilians to flee to India
• In December, India invades East Pakistan in support of the East Pakistani people
• Pakistani army surrenders at Dhaka and its army of more than 90,000 become Indian prisoners of war
• East Pakistan becomes the independent country of Bangladesh on 16 December 1971
• Exact number of people killed is unclear - Bangladesh says it is three million but independent researchers say it is up to 500,000 fatalities

Foreign journalists had already been expelled, and Pakistan was also keen to publicise atrocities committed by the other side. Awami League supporters had massacred tens of thousands of civilians whose loyalty they suspected, a war crime that is still denied by many today in Bangladesh.

Eight journalists, including Mascarenhas, were given a 10-day tour of the province. When they returned home, seven of them duly wrote what they were told to.
But one of them refused.
Yvonne Mascarenhas remembers him coming back distraught: "I'd never seen my husband looking in such a state. He was absolutely shocked, stressed, upset and terribly emotional," she says, speaking from her home in west London.
"He told me that if he couldn't write the story of what he'd seen he'd never be able to write another word again."
Clearly it would not be possible to do so in Pakistan. All newspaper articles were checked by the military censor, and Mascarenhas told his wife he was certain he would be shot if he tried.
Pretending he was visiting his sick sister, Mascarenhas then travelled to London, where he headed straight to the Sunday Times and the editor's office.

Indians and Bengali guerrillas fought in support of East Pakistan

Evans remembers him in that meeting as having "the bearing of a military man, square-set and moustached, but appealing, almost soulful eyes and an air of profound melancholy".
"He'd been shocked by the Bengali outrages in March, but he maintained that what the army was doing was altogether worse and on a grander scale," Evans wrote.
Mascarenhas told him he had been an eyewitness to a huge, systematic killing spree, and had heard army officers describe the killings as a "final solution".
Evans promised to run the story, but first Yvonne and the children had to escape Karachi.
They had agreed that the signal for them to start preparing for this was a telegram from Mascarenhas saying that "Ann's operation was successful".
Yvonne remembers receiving the message at three the next morning. "I heard the telegram man bang at my window and I woke up my sons and I was: 'Oh my gosh, we have to go to London.' It was terrifying. I had to leave everything behind.
"We could only take one suitcase each. We were crying so much it was like a funeral," she says.
To avoid suspicion, Mascarenhas had to return to Pakistan before his family could leave. But as Pakistanis were only allowed one foreign flight a year, he then had to sneak out of the country by himself, crossing by land into Afghanistan.
The day after the family was reunited in their new home in London, the Sunday Times published his article, under the headline "Genocide".
'Betrayal' It is such a powerful piece of reporting because Mascarenhas was clearly so well trusted by the Pakistani officers he spent time with.
I have witnessed the brutality of 'kill and burn missions' as the army units, after clearing out the rebels, pursued the pogrom in the towns and villages.
I have seen whole villages devastated by 'punitive action'.
And in the officer's mess at night I have listened incredulously as otherwise brave and honourable men proudly chewed over the day's kill.
'How many did you get?' The answers are seared in my memory.

Mofidul Huq Liberation War Museum

His article was - from Pakistan's point of view - a huge betrayal and he was accused of being an enemy agent. It still denies its forces were behind such atrocities as those described by Mascarenhas, and blames Indian propaganda.

However, he still maintained excellent contacts there, and in 1979 became the first journalist to reveal that Pakistan had developed nuclear weapons.
In Bangladesh, of course, he is remembered more fondly, and his article is still displayed in the country's Liberation War Museum.
"This was one of the most significant articles written on the war. It came out when our country was cut off, and helped inform the world of what was going on here," says Mofidul Huq, a trustee of the museum.
His family, meanwhile, settled into life in a new and colder country.
"People were so serious in London and nobody ever talked to us," Yvonne Mascarenhas remembers. "We were used to happy, smiley faces, it was all a bit of a change for us after Karachi. But we never regretted it."

Courtesy: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-16207201
 

Deep Space Perils For Indian Spacecraft

There's no turning back. India's Mars Orbiter Mission has left Earth orbit and is heading for the red planet. After a flourish of media coverage before and shortly after launch, attention on this mission is likely to fade for several months. The MOM now has a long journey to reach its destination. It will arrive at Mars in September 2014.
Despite the spotlight moving on, it should not be assumed that this phase of the mission will be uneventful. Hopefully, things will go well, but the risks should not be underestimated. This is the most adventurous space mission ever launched by India, and probably its most hazardous.
What could go wrong? MOM has already had a minor problem with a backup fuel system, but this was not a threat to the mission. The spacecraft seems generally healthy right now, and has survived some of the most stressful parts of its mission already.
Launch, deployment, checkout, engine burns and velocity changes have gone well. Nevertheless, the longer the mission stays in space, the higher the chance that some component will malfunction.
Then there's the environment. Interplanetary space holds dangers that do not always threaten spacecraft that stay close to Earth. There is a higher level of exposure to radiation and particles. Thermal stresses are also potentially higher. There's no shadow of the Earth or magnetic fields to protect the spacecraft. MOM is designed for these conditions but it will still need careful management.
Space is also unpredictable. Solar storms can throw particles into deep space that pose hazards for local satellites. In deep space, it can be even worse. Some deep space missions have been damaged by solar activity. Although we can monitor these outbursts, there is often nothing that can be done to protect a spacecraft from their influence.
The hazards of deep space gave rise to the legend of the Great Galactic Ghoul, a mythical monster that lurks in space and devours spacecraft. The Ghoul has been implicated in the loss of several missions, and seems very eclectic in its tastes. It eats spacecraft from America, Russia, Japan and other nations. Does the Ghoul like Indian food? It's never been tempted this way before. Hopefully it will not bite.
Surviving the journey is just one task now facing MOM. Some of the instruments could be used to measure conditions in deep space even before the spacecraft approaches Mars. This gives controllers practice and confirms the successful operation of the experiments. It also boosts the scientific return. Most of this activity will not grab headlines but it will steadily chalk up the overall performance of MOM.
If the mission attracts little media coverage for the next few months, it will probably be a positive rather than a negative. It will probably mean that no surprises have developed. In the hazardous environment of interplanetary space, no news is usually good news.

Courtesy: http://www.marsdaily.com/reports/Deep_Space_Perils_For_Indian_Spacecraft_999.html
 

Seven financial blunders you should avoid

Everybody makes mistakes. The repercussions of a mistake could be trivial or grave. A financial mistake is one such blunder that can create big problems if they are not resolved immediately.

Lack of goals:Most people don't plan to fail; they just fail to plan. A good percentage of people are still not aware of what is financial planning and how to go about it. In simple words, financial planning is taking a disciplined approach to achieving your pre-determined financial goals. A good financial plan is based on strong goals. Well-articulated goals with a detailed break-up into long-term, mid- term and short-term, specific steps on how to achieve them and checking the progress periodically are basic ingredients of financial planning. As you can see it all starts with a goal.

Lack of life cover:Living without life insurance is just like "flying without a net". A financial plan is incomplete without adequate life cover. One major goal of a financial plan is to maintain the life style of your family whether you are with them or not. A common mistake we make is buying life insurance policies such as endowment plans or money back to save tax, also hoping to reap returns. Remember, returns from such policies are much less compared to traditional investment products such as stocks, mutual funds, gold or real estate. So why not separate investment and insurance completely? Most salesmen will not give you this advice because the commission in plain vanilla term policies is the lowest. Protect yourself with an inexpensive term policy providing sufficient life cover. The thumb rule for your life cover is your annual income multiplied by 10. You can add family floater mediclaim or health insurance policies for self and family members. It's a way of making sure that your family will continue to enjoy the current life standard.

Lack of investments: Start saving as early as possible. Generally, a person should start saving and investing money from the day of getting first salary. By starting your financial plan at the earliest, you are allowing your money to grow by the sheer power of compounding. Don't be over-enthusiastic about it either. Develop a regular and disciplined investment approach. Select a few good equity funds and do a SIP (Systematic Investment Plan). Increase the investment amount as your income increases. Don't wait for a lump sum amount to be accumulated to invest and don't try to time the market.

Too much of loans and debt:Don't stretch yourself too much with a mortgage. Buy within your means. It's not worth the sleepless nights. It's always advisable to resist the temptation and control unnecessary expenses. It includes loans, mortgages and credit card expenditure. House loan and car loan may be necessary but do some analysis about how much you really need and what can you comfortably be able to pay back. Keep a tight leash on personal loans and credit card debt. They can be a drain on your finances as the interest rates are much higher. You must have a plan to reduce the loan and pay off the debt gradually.

Only debt/fixed income instruments:Putting your entire investment amount into the debt instrument is like settling for a bonsai instead of a huge teak wood tree which you could have. It's good to be safe but too much of safety will not make your money grow. There are many among us who keep their money in FDs (fixed deposits), PPF (public provident fund), insurance policies, National Saving Certificates (NSC) etc. It's good to have them but they should not have all your money. You must have a healthy mix of equity and debt in your portfolio. Equity gives you growth and debt gives safety with peace of mind.

Over-indulgence in stocks:By watching too much of business news channel and reading business journals we start believing that we know all about stocks and the way companies work. Listening to equity analysts gives us more encouragement. We think we can beat the market. But the truth is most people fail to make money at the stock market and end up wasting their precious time and wealth. Sit with a certified Financial Planner and chalk out a long term plan for yourself. Remember "slow and steady wins the race".

Owning too many products: "Wide diversification is only required when investors do not understand what they are doing." The unavoidable risk from over diversification clearly articulated in this powerful quote by Warren Buffett. The right portfolio should be built by optimum allocation into different asset classes. A good financial planner should be able to tell you the right proportion as per your profile. Within a particular asset class it's better to do thorough research and put your money in a few select products. For example if you are investing in mutual funds then buying too many of them is not advisable. Similarly if you are an investor in stock market it's advisable to pick the right stocks and stick with them. We keep adding more products to the portfolio because we fall for what the salesmen and advertisements tell us. Do your own research or consult a certified financial planner for such decisions. It's important to own the right ones and not too many.

Brains flush toxic waste in sleep, including Alzheimer’s-linked protein, study of mice finds

Lulu Xie - The difference of cerebrospinal fluid influx is seen in the brain of an awake and a sleeping mouse. Fluorescent dye has been injected into the animal to enable viewing of cerebrospinal fluid dynamics in a mouse that is still alive. The red represents the greater flow in a sleeping animal, while the green represents conversely restricted flow in the same awake animal.

• 
  

By Meeri Kim, Sunday, October 20, 2:01 AM

  

While we are asleep, our bodies may be resting, but our brains are busy taking out the trash.
A new study has found that the cleanup system in the brain, responsible for flushing out toxic waste products that cells produce with daily use, goes into overdrive in mice that are asleep. The cells even shrink in size to make for easier cleaning of the spaces around them.

Brady Dennis OCT 19

Activists are making headway in their effort to get retailers to boycott the product if the FDA approves it.

Scientists say this nightly self-clean by the brain provides a compelling biological reason for the restorative power of sleep.
“Sleep puts the brain in another state where we clean out all the byproducts of activity during the daytime,” said study author and University of Rochester neurosurgeon Maiken Nedergaard. Those byproducts include beta-amyloid protein, clumps of which form plaques found in the brains of Alzheimer’s patients.
Staying up all night could prevent the brain from getting rid of these toxins as efficiently, and explain why sleep deprivation has such strong and immediate consequences. Too little sleep causes mental fog, crankiness, and increased risks of migraine and seizure. Rats deprived of all sleep die within weeks.
Although as essential and universal to the animal kingdom as air and water, sleep is a riddle that has baffled scientists and philosophers for centuries. Drifting off into a reduced consciousness seems evolutionarily foolish, particularly for those creatures in danger of getting eaten or attacked.
One line of thinking was that sleep helps animals to conserve energy by forcing a period of rest. But this theory seems unlikely since the sleeping brain uses up almost as much energy as the awake brain, Nedergaard said.
Another puzzle involves why different animals require different amounts of sleep per night. For instance, cats sleep more than 12 hours a day, while elephants need only about three hours. Based on this newfound purpose of sleep, neuroscientist Suzana Herculano-Houzel speculates in a commentary that the varying sleep needs across species might be related to brain size. Larger brains should have a relatively larger volume of space between cells, and may need less time to clean since they have more room for waste to accumulate throughout the day.
Sleep does play a key role in memory formation — mentally going through the events of the day and stamping certain memories into the brain. But sleeping for eight hours or more just to consolidate memories seems excessive, Nedergaard said, especially for an animal such as a mouse.
Last year, Nedergaard and her colleagues discovered a network that drains waste from the brain, which they dubbed the glymphatic system. It works by circulating cerebrospinal fluid throughout the brain tissue and flushing any resulting waste into the bloodstream, which then carries it to the liver for detoxification.
She then became curious about how the glymphatic system behaves during the sleep-wake cycle.
An imaging technique called two-photon microscopy enabled the scientists to watch the movement of cerebrospinal fluid through a live mouse brain in real time. After soothing the creature until it was sound asleep, study author Lulu Xie tagged the fluid with a special fluorescent dye.
“During sleep, the cerebrospinal fluid flushed through the brain very quickly and broadly,” said Rochester neuropharmacologist Xie. As another experiment revealed, sleep causes the space between cells to increase by 60 percent, allowing the flow to increase.
Xie then gently touched the mouse’s tail until it woke up from its nap, and she again injected it with dye. This time, with the mouse awake, flow in the brain was greatly constrained.
“Brain cells shrink when we sleep, allowing fluid to enter and flush out the brain,” Nedergaard said. “It’s like opening and closing a faucet.”
They also found that the harmful beta-amyloid protein clears out of the brain twice as fast in a sleeping rodent as in an up-and-about one. The study was published in the journal Science on Thursday.
New York University cell biologist and Alzheimer’s specialist Ralph A. Nixon, who was not involved in the study, said the findings could be of great interest to the Alzheimer’s research community. For instance, the overproduction of beta-amyloid could be linked to the development of the disease, but he said these new findings hint that the lack of clearing it out might be the bigger problem.
Other neurodegenerative disorders, such as Parkinson’s disease or chronic traumatic encephalopathy, are also associated with a backup of too much cell waste in the brain. “Clearance mechanisms may be very relevant to keeping these proteins at a level that isn’t disease-causing,” Nixon said.
An MRI diagnostic test for glymphatic clearance is in the works by Nedergaard and her colleagues. She also believes that a drug could be developed to force a cleanup if necessary, perhaps by mimicking the sleep-wake cycle.


Meeri Kim is a freelance science journalist based in Philadelphia.

Courtesy: http://www.washingtonpost.com/national/health-science/brains-flush-toxic-waste-in-sleep-including-alzheimers-linked-protein-study-of-mice-finds/2013/10/19/9af49e40-377a-11e3-8a0e-4e2cf80831fc_story.html?Post+generic=%3Ftid%3Dsm_twitter_washingtonpost
 

Kalpakkam’s forgotten people

by C Shivakumar, 20 October 2008

Kalpakkam’s forgotten people have a tale to tell
FORTY-five-year-old Sundarammal is in immense pain. Sitting beside a pile of dry fish, she touches a large lump on her neck.
“I do not know how this came. I got it maybe six or seven years ago,” she says, and asks the doctor for some medicine to relieve the pain.
Sundarammal is, in fact, suffering from thyroid cancer. And crucially, she is a resident of Meiyoor Kuppam, some five km from the Madras Atomic Power Station and Kalpakkam Atomic Reprocessing Plant.
“Her cancer is in an advanced stage. She can survive at the most for five years,” says Dr V Pugazhendi, an activist belonging to Doctors for Safer Environment (DOSE).
This is not the only case. Residents say scores of people in the fortress town of Sadras and villages near the campus have died, some of cancer and others of ‘mysterious illnesses’.
“The government,” says Dr Pugazhendi, “has so far conducted no health survey though the local area of MAPS, measuring about 4,000 sq km of landmass, which includes a portion of the Chennai metropolitan region. It has a population of 10 million.” More than one-third of women in the age group of 15-40 years have been affected by thyroid enlargement or autoimmune thyroid disorders in surrounding areas of the plant, says Dr Pugazhendi, who has done a study on thyroid incidence in the region along with Dr Conrad Mary, Dr R Ramesh and V T Padmanabhan.
They are all part of DOSE.
There are three confirmed cases of thyroid cancer in the study, he says. And there may be others. He says this is mostly due to routine release of radioactive gases, including Iodine 131, in the air and sea from the Kalpakkam nuclear plant. But this is not reflected in the government Environment Survey Laboratory (ESL) data.
“My study is the only one in India which has confirmed that radioactive Iodine is linked to thyroid cancer and autoimmune thyroiditis,” says Dr Pugazhendi.
The ESL Kalpakkam had found after the nuclear accident at Chernobyl in April 1986 that the incidence of thyroid-related diseases in goats had registered an increase as a result of feeding on grass laced with Iodine-131.
A report of the United Nations Scientific Committee on Effects of Atomic Radiation (UNSCEAR) says that the routine release of radionuclides from Kalpakkam has been high in comparison to the release from facilities in other countries.
Kalpakkam houses four nuclear reactors, two waste-reprocessing plants, a centralised waste management facility and a tritium plant. The seawater intake structure for the reactors is located 420 metres offshore. A 405-metre-long approach jetty that connects the intake system to the shore also supports a discharge pipeline for low-level radioactive effluents.
“Aquatic organisms display considerable ability to accumulate trace elements as well as radionuclides from water even in exceedingly small concentrations,” says M V Ramanna, a physicist, quoting a study done by M A R Iyengar of the Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research (IGCAR), along with three other experts.
The low-level radioactive wastes released into the sea increase the risk of cancer, says Ramanna, who is also a senior fellow in the Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies in Environment and Development in Bangalore. This is dangerous for people living near beaches and dependent on sea food for a large part of their diet.
Dr Pugazhendi says the Department of Atomic Energy stopped releasing data on the effluent emissions once the Kalpakkam Atomic Fuel Reprocessing Plant went on stream in 1998. IGCAR officials declined to comment immediately.
According to UNSCEAR, “Relatively large quantities of radioactive materials are involved at the fuel reprocessing stage. The radionuclides are freed from their contained state as the fuel is brought into solution, and the potential for release in waste discharges is greater than other stages of the fuel cycle. Routine releases have been largely in liquid effluents to the sea.” The radioactive effluents may have affected the livelihood of fishermen in the coastal areas surrounding plant. “This was an area which was rich in lobsters, crabs, shrimp and other varieties of fish. Now we rarely get any,” says Nagooran, a fisherman in Sadras.
But the fishermen have no choice. They still venture out to sea. The catch is their only source of livelihood. It keeps the wolf from the door, but then nobody knows whether and how toxic the fish are, and most end up in Chennai markets.
Some are dried and sold as chicken feed, says Dr Pugazhendi.
A fisherman says: “They are probably toxic but we can’t catch anything else. And there is hardly any money coming in at the moment.” Among the workers at the plant, Dr Pugazhendi says three persons died of multiple myeloma in 2002-2003, a rare bone cancer that is linked to nuclear radiation. This was denied by the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre, Trombay.
The death rate due to myeloma is 2.4 per one lakh population per annum in the Chennai area alone. The Kalpakkam area has a population of about 25,000. So three myeloma deaths within a span of 18 months is considered statistically significant by cancer specialists because it is four times the normal.
Dr Pugazhendi has another case. Some years ago, a 24-year-old temporary worker died of colon cancer. According to doctors, it is unusual for patients at contract this cancer at such an early age. For this and other reasons, he says “we need a thorough study of the radiation levels and their effects in the area”.
In another worrying indication, several cases have been reported of congenital defects and mental retardation. A DOSE study revealed 12 cases of polydactyly below the age of 15 in the coastal areas in a radius of 16 km.
Dr Pugazhendi rules out consanguinity and parental history in all the cases. “Polydactyly and other malformations are usually associated with the exposure of the foetus to radiation,” he says.
As the waves hit the shores, the black sand is visible. “The sand here is rich in monazite but we suspect it is also highly toxic,”says Dr Pugazhendi.
“Unfortunately, we don’t know the levels of toxicity and whether it has increased after the radiation levels. We don’t have the equipment for a proper series of tests. There is no safe radiation dosage, so we must have a full study.” M Hussain of Pudupatnam, whose daughter is suffering from autoimmune thyroiditis, is clear about the first step.
“The government should conduct a health survey in the region.
We have faith in the government and it should act. And I hope it will not be too late for my daughter.”
Too many fingers
Polydactyly, also known as hyperdactyly, is a congenital physical anomaly consisting of extra fingers or toes.
When each hand or foot has six digits, it is sometimes called sexdactyly, hexadactyly or hexadactylism.
The extra digit is usually a small piece of soft tissue; occasionally it may contain bone without joints; rarely it may be a complete, functioning digit. Polydactyly may be passed down (inherited) in families.
This trait involves only one gene that can cause several variations. It also happens due to radiation exposure during pregnancy.
Dangerous fallout
Iodine-131 is an artificially produced fission byproduct resulting from nuclear weapons, above-ground nuclear testing, and nuclear reactor operations.
It is found in the gaseous and liquid waste streams of nuclear power plants, but is not released into the environment during normal reactor operations.
Iodine in food is absorbed by the body and preferentially concentrated in the thyroid where it is needed for the functioning of that gland. When Iodine 131 is present in high levels in the environment from radioactive fallout, it can be absorbed through contaminated food, and will also accumulate in the thyroid. As it decays, it may cause damage to the thyroid gland. The primary risk from exposure to high levels of Iodine 131 is the chance occurrence of radiogenic thyroid cancer in later life. Other risks include the possibility of non-cancerous growths and thyroiditis.
Iodine-131 can also cause exposure by ingestion (consumption of green leafy vegetables, drinking water, fish and shellfish containing the substance), as well as exposure by inhalation and external exposure from ground deposition.
Deadly exposure
Ajith (name changed) was offered Rs 3,000 to work as rigger in the Kalpakkam nuclear plant. It was a lucrative bargain. His job was to clean up the reactor during shutdown.
“After two months my contract expired,” says Ajith, an employee of Tech-Sharp, a Chennai based company which has taken the contract, hardly unaware that he had exposed himself to radiation.
“I later worked in Rawabhata nuclear plant,” says Ajith.
This time the contract was sourced through Bangalorebased Avasarala Technologies. After five months of working in both the nuclear plants, Ajith, the lone breadwinner of the family, is suffering from cancer. He has been diagnosed with carcinoma rectum by Chengalpattu Medical College Hospital. “We have shelled out more than Rs one lakh on his treatment and are living in debt. We can’t afford his treatment anymore, the government should help us,” says his brother.
“Most of the contract workers are hardly provided with any compensation and many of them are illiterate,” says Dr V Pugazhendi of Doctors for Safer Environment.
“In the US after much protests from atomic workers, the government has passed a law covering a list of cancers for which atomic workers might seek compensation.
Why can’t we have the same law in India,” wonders Dr Pugazhendi. Meanwhile, the nuclear plant is recruiting migrant workers instead of locals for doing the cleaning job in the nuclear reactor. They are mostly from Orissa, Chhattisgarh, West Bengal, Assam and Andhra Pradesh.
“The recruitment is just to avoid the blame as locals can be tracked but migrants can’t,” he alleges.
— shivakumarshreya@gmail.com

Courtesy: http://www.sacw.net/article134.html

Afghanistan: Most invaded, yet unconquerable

ADITYA MENON, Feb 6, 2010, 01.07pm IST

Since the 8th Century B.C., the area today called Afghanistan has incessantly been roiled by external invasion or internal strife. Geography had placed it such that it became a natural theatre of the Great Games between imperial powers fighting to control trade routes and expand influence as well as the object of a political Buzkashi between local feuding elites. Great emperors like Darius I, Alexander, Kanishka, Genghis Khan, Timur, Babur and Nadir Shah all fought their way through Afghanistan. Yet it has never been completely conquered or colonised. This is the paradox of Afghanistan - most invaded and yet unconquerable. Because of this, regimes were always weak and susceptible to foreign pressure. Yet its society has been resilient and uncompromising towards alien rule. How does one then explain the Afghan paradox? There are a number of contextual factors such as its rugged topographical features, existence of deep and multifaceted cleavages among the population, the centrality of tribal social groupings, and the negative role played by neighbours and external powers. However, central to this paradox is the inhibited development of political institutions in Afghanistan.

The foundations of the modern Afghan state are said to have been laid by Ahmad Shah Durrani in the 18th Century . A central role was played by Amir Abdur Rahman Khan who was called 'Iron Amir' for his brutality and ruthless expansionism. Over the years, Afghan rulers have utilised the discourses of Islam, tribe, kinship, Durrani supremacy and Pashtun nationalism to legitimise their rule. However, the dominant feature of Afghan polity has been internal colonialism by a Pashtun (especially Durrani Pashtun) dominated political culture. The Taliban in many ways represented a culmination of this trend. This lies at the root of the deep ethnic fissures that are central to Afghanistan.
A weak Afghanistan has served the interests of all, right from the Mughal-Safavid rivalry, the power politics between Czarist Russia and Great Britain and the Pakistani search for 'strategic depth' . It was the theatre where the Cold War was played out by the Americans and the Soviet Union. This lack of a centre and weak political institutions is crucial in the context of the various external invasions that have taken place; external powers have mostly been successful in capturing major cities like Kabul, Kandahar and Herat. But external occupation has always failed when faced with guerrilla opposition in the countryside. Historically , the Afghan concept of authority has based on tribal lines. Central leadership has been more like a 'first among equals' rather than a more hierarchal structure as has been the case in India or Iran. Moreover, being an arid and agriculturally poor region, there has never been sufficient resources for the creation of centralized state institutions. Therefore, there has been limited political institutionalisation and penetration of the society by the state. As a result, regimes such as that of Amir Abdur Rahman Khan and the Taliban showed their 'strength' by public displays of power such as brutal punitive punishments and moral policing.
Factors such as topography and the tribe-centered nature of society cannot be changed. Therefore, the focus of any efforts at securing a stable future for Afghanistan should be on creating stable political institutions. Free and fair elections are an important step in this direction. But as recent attempts at negotiating with the Taliban indicate, the way to political power in Afghanistan is still through the barrel of a Kalashnikov. There is a long way to go before Afghanistan moves beyond the Great Game and the political buzkashi.

THE GREAT GAME
Coined by Arthur Conolly, an intelligence officer of the British East India Company, the term "The Great Game" acquired widespread popularity thanks to Rudyard Kipling's novel, Kim (first published in 1901). It referred to the strategic rivalry between Britain and Russia for supremacy in Central Asia, which began around 1813. Worried about the prospect of a Russian invasion of India, the British were determined to maintain Afghanistan as a buffer state. Constant efforts were made by the British and Russians to influence the politics of Afghanistan , through diplomacy, espionage and occasionally, force. The British twice attacked Afghanistan. The first war (1839-42 ) ended in disaster with just one Briton, Dr William Brydon, surviving a retreat begun by a 16,000-strong contingent. The second Anglo-Afghan war (1878-80 ) was more successful, ensuring British control of Afghanistan's foreign policy. The classic Great Game ended with the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907, under which Russia accepted Britain's control over Afghanistan, as long as the British did not attempt any regime change.

Courtesy: http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2010-02-06/south-asia/28149222_1_power-politics-afghanistan-paradox 

Jan 26, 1992: When Joshi hoisted flag in Lal Chowk

Witnesses Narrate Events As BJP Makes Similar Attempt 2 Decades After

WASIM KHALID

Srinagar, Jan 22: The flag hoisting controversy might have evoked mild response in 2011, but it has surely rekindled the memories of January 26, 1992 when the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) announced raising the tri-colour at Clock Tower in Lal Chowk during the height of militancy.
On January 26, 1992, Kashmir was different. In  government quarters, it was regarded as almost a ‘liberated zone’ with the armed militants ruling the streets in Srinagar and villages, while in a show of defiance the Border Security Forces (BSF) and army personnel fortifying the city centre- Lal Chowk- turning it almost into a war zone.
The announcement to hoist the flag came in the midst of this situation, when the then BJP President, Murli Manohar Joshi announced it during a rally attended by thousands of party supporters in Jammu. Other than the president, the rally was attended by the two senior party leaders- former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and LK Advani.
“Murli announced he would come to Kashmir by road with his 10,000 supporters to hoist the flag,” Fayaz Ahmad Zargar, 38, a resident of Amira Kadal, said.
BJP President had undertook “Ekta Yatra” that year from Kaniyakumari to Srinagar to hoist the tri-colour at Lal Chowk on January 26.
On the other hand, the militants who called the shots in Kashmir those days were furious over the BJP announcement. All the militant outfits chalked out a joint strategy to stop BJP from raising the flag on clock tower.
The militants intensified their attacks from Jan 24, 1992, onwards. In one of the intrepid acts, they orchestrated an attack in PHQ Srinagar where DGP along with the other command sustained critical injuries after a bomb, concealed in a drawer, exploded.
It was the same incident in which Ahad Jan- the police cop who shot to fame after hurling a shoe on chief minister Omar Abdullah on August 15, 2010- was promoted after he saved the life of DGP Saxena and rushed him to hospital.
“Apart from attacks, the Mujahideen outfits also divided themselves with each party getting its share of task,” a former Student Liberation Front militant said. “The foremost thing for us that time was to guard Srinagar- Jammu highway. The BJP leaders along with their supporters had planned to come on their vehicles taking that route.”
In the wake of militant threats, the authorities imposed indefinite curfew and issued shoot at sight orders. However, the militants managed to control the highway forcing government to go for alternative means of transport. The BJP president was thus airlifted to Srinagar.
With the arrival of BJP president Joshi, the city was turned into a battle zone.
“I vividly remember the day of Jan 26, 1992,” Javed Ahmad, a resident of Lal Chowk said. “A radio announcement was aired that Lal Chowk has been handed over to army.”
Ahmad said BSF along with army erected sandbag bunkers, temporary check-posts and enforced strict curfew.
“They were armed to teeth,” he said. “Even security personnel were deployed at each door. They took roof tops, buildings and each structure that could have aided militants to mount any attack.”
The army was a new guest in the city those days, so was the heavy weaponry they carried. As a result, the fear- stricken residents, who lived around Lal Chowk, fled, except one or two male members who guarded their respective houses.
“On Jan 26, 1992, we heard only firing. There were explosions also we could make out from all directions of the city neighborhood,” Ahmad said. “It was like a war going on.”
Unlike Ahmad, Abdul Rashid, a resident of Koker Bazaar was unfortunate. He sat on the window sill of the second floor of his house to smoke and get relaxed in the scary situation.
However, he had taken only two drags, before the prying eyes of alert Border Security Force personnel occupying a temporary check post, spotted him.
“They broke open the door and pulled me by collar down on the rain soaked street,” Rashid said. “I was kept hanging body upside down. They did it for 15 minutes in that bone chilling cold. Then they made me stand on the road. It was a punishment since I had breached curfew.”
Ahmad said Army and BSF had enforced a strict curfew and nobody was allowed to venture outside home, especially in Lal Chowk area.
On the chilly afternoon, BJP president, surrounded by alert soldiers and BSF personnel appeared in Lal Chowk.
During the same time, at least four rockets were fired towards the flag hoisting venue. But none of them reached there.
As Murli raised the flag on the pedestal of clock tower, the rod broke down and one half along with flag fell on his forehead. He got injured.
Till the evening of Jan 26, 1992, scores of people got killed and some injured. It was reported in Srinagar that 10 people, most of them militants, were killed at different locations on the Srinagar-Jammu highway.
The militancy has died down to its lowest ebb in 2010. Kashmir recently witnessed the six month long pro-freedom protests which claimed lives of 115 people while hundreds were injured. There are no guns in the valley but stones and protests. And once again in the midst of political turmoil, the BJP has announced its flag hoisting programme.

Courtesy: http://www.greaterkashmir.com/news/2011/Jan/23/jan-26-1992-when-joshi-hoisted-flag-in-lal-chowk-41.asp

421 years of foreign rule in Kashmir

The history of rebellion in Kashmir is not new and dates back to sixteenth century when the last indigenous ruler was overthrown in Kashmir. Haroon Mirani traces the unmentioned and forgotten chapters of Kashmir history through 421 years of foreign rule.
 
On the night of November 19, 1586, Yaqub Shah Chek, the last independent king of Kashmir after being defeated by the Mughals, mounted the first guerrilla attack on Mughal army. It was highly successful raid in which dozens of Mughal army men were chopped to death, entire treasury was looted and magnificent palace of Yusuf Shah, wherefrom Mughals ruled Kashmir, was burnt. After returning to his hideout along with his elated army, Yaqub Shah Chek told his official army turned ragtag guerrillas, “Independence is just a day away, as we will soon finish off the Mughals from Kashmir.”
Unfortunately that tomorrow never came and 421 years have passed since that fateful attack, which started the culmination of armed struggle against foreign rule in Kashmir and is still continuing. Mughals were succeeded by Afghans, Sikhs, Dogras and the current situation, but the fight never ceased. In one form or the other Kashmir has been on the warfront for the last 421 years.
Kashmir fate was sealed on October 16, 1586, exactly 421 years from today, when Mughal army invaded the independent country of Kashmir. Kashmir's last independent ruler Yaqub Shah Chak couldn't hold back the onslaught of Mughals under the command of Qasim Khan. However, it was not because of Kashmiris being cowards, as they had thwarted many attempts of warriors like Mahmud of Ghaznavi, but due to the cunning internal conflicts, which still makes this battle go on indecisively.
Those who couldn't bear their motherland under foreign rule took up arms as at that there was no scope of political solution. Mughals came down heavily against these insurgents. Yaqub Shah Chek was arrested and finished off in exile, just like his father Yusuf Shah Chek.
Not to be cowed down by the arrests, the insurgency moved on to the next line of leadership, which included Malik Hassan, Mohammed Naji, Yusuf Khan and Abdul Khan. These were eliminated too but this armed struggle still continues and has evolved into the world’s longest freedom struggle.
To quell the rebellion of this nation and diminish their fighting spirit, Mughals denied the entry of any Kashmiri into the army and encouraged the use of long Cloak and Kangri (firepot). They further divided the Kashmiris into seven groups, to propagate their divide and rule policy.
The same policy was later continued by Afghans and Sikhs. Afghans banned wearing of arms by Kashmiris. Dogra ruler Ghulab Singh stopped a game like mimic warfare played with the help of slings and stones as he thought it encouraged fighting spirit in the Kashmiris.
Mughals ruled Kashmir for 167 long years, with the help of 35 governors under rulers ranging from Akbar through Aurangzeb up to Ahmad Shah. These governors used to come, loot, plunder and go. There was no end to tyranny and any whimper of rebellion was crushed mercilessly. Numerous souls laid their life in the process for the sake of independence. Guru Teg Bahadur, the 9th Sikh guru was so moved upon hearing the plight of these people that he too jumped into the arena. His protest unnerved the then ruler Aurangzeb who got the holy man beheaded on November 27, 1675 AD. Thus one of the greatest luminaries of its time entered the long list of martyrs of Kashmir.
Mughals used to call Kashmir as Baag I Khasa, (Garden of Elites), where they used to come for recreation and enjoyment. They built 700 gardens for this purpose, alongside continuous repression of Kashmiris.
Nevertheless, this monstrous Mughal rule came to an end in 1753 AD. People would have never wished the end of this rule if they had foreseen what was in store for them. Their simultaneous capture by Afghans proved to be a worst nightmare-coming-true. It was like jumping from frying pan into fire. Afghans crossed all boundaries of civilisation - killing, rape, plunder, loot, eyes gouging out, ears, noses been cut off, whipping was the order of the day. As goes the saying not even a damsel was safe in her house during this brutal Aghan rule. Amir Khan, one of the governors, even plundered 700 Mughal Gardens. During this era too, the rebellion raised its head. One Sukh Jiwan tried to give respite to their brethren but he was defeated by Afghan governor Nur-u-Din Khan.
Nothing not even a simple stare in their eyes was tolerated by these Afghans. If Mughals invented Phiran (long cloak), then these Afghans made it mandatory for having two pockets on either side. It was for Afghan soldiers to mount on their shoulders and keep their feet in these pockets for ease particularly during crossing rivers.
Afghan governor Khorram Khan (1770-1777) during his second term quelled a rebellion raised by Kashmiris. Haji Karim Dad Khan (1776-1783) destroyed whole Kant family for intriguing against him with Raja Ranjit Dev, the ruler of Jammu. If Mughals indulged in suppression, Afghans employed violent suppression. Kashmiris were so much crushed and subjugated that Afghans needed only 3000 soldiers to control these meek souls, instead of minimum requirement of 20,000.
Mass migration of people particularly Kashmiri Pandits also took place in this era. The Afghan behavior was beautifully summarised in a Persian couplet which read as "Sar buridan pesh in sangin dilan qul chidan ast" (These stone hearted people thought no more of cutting of heads than of plucking a flower).
The Afghans were defeated by the forces of the Ranjit Singh in 1819, thus came to an end 67 darkest years of Kashmir's history, which left Kashmiris with only skin on their bones. But the Sikh didn't prove any better. Jamia Masjid was closed down, congregations were banned, severe restrictions were hurled on religious movement. At that time if a Sikh killed a non-sikh a compensation of Rupees four was given, but if the victim was a Muslim then Rupees two was enough. Killing as usual was rampant.
It is believed that crows were brought during this period in the valley by Deewan Kirpa Ram (1827-1831), who thought them to be necessary for the performance of funeral rights of Kashmiris. He was fed up of seeing funerals all around without any crow hovering above.
In this era too the flame of independence was not diminished. In 1843 Sikhs had to suffer causality to the tune of hundreds in their fight with daring Bomha leader Sher Ahmad at Shilbal.
On February 10, 1846 the English defeated the Sikhs at Sobroan. As a reward for being neutral a treaty was signed between them and a Dogra leader Gulab Singh, and the present day J&K was sold to him for 75 lac Nanak Shahi rupees. During this period 1845-1846 Sheikh Imamudin was the governor of Kashmir. Seeing this entire topsy-turvy situation, he –assisted by his foresighted wife – started to dream independence and raised the banner of rebellion. He twice defeated the forces sent to capture Kashmir by Gulab Singh, under Mathra Das and Lakhpat Rai. Gulab Singh panicked and begged for help to Sir Henry Lawrence, who sent the required assistance and helped snatch Kashmir from Imamudin.
Gulab Singh entered Srinagar on November 9, 1846 to start a puppet rule of Dogras with their threads attached to British. He was later succeeded by Ranbir Singh (1857-85), Pratap Singh (1885-1925) and Hari Singh (1926-47).
As there was no accountability, people continued living under miserable conditions. The rulers got new punishments invented, the most dreaded one being Begar (transport of materials to distant areas through precarious mountainous roads, without pay). The taxes were always skyrocketing with each passing regime. Robert Thorp wrote numerous articles on the plight of Kashmiris under Gulab Singh but he too was finished off in sync with rest of similar counterparts.
In 1857 for the first time Kashmiris didn’t celebrate Eid ul Azha, as it was the year when Gulab Singh had died and there was a total ban on killing of any animal. Another dreaded punishment used in Dogra era to thwart any possible uprising was that of fleecing a Kashmiri thought to be against administration. Prostitution was also legalised during this time.
But the rebellion never ceased to exist. In one way or other it raised its head. The prominent among this was Shawl Bauf Agitation, in which 28 Shawl weavers were martyred at Zaldagar on April 29, 1865. Another 21 persons were brutally killed during Central Jail uprising on July 13, 1931. Thereafter a civil disobedience movement started which culminated in open armed rebellion, about the end of January 1932 in Mirpur, Rajouri and Bhimber of Jammu Province.
Agitations, demonstrations followed. Ahrar party in Punjab started sending Jathas (groups of people on a mission) to relieve the oppressed Kashmiris. Thousands came forward for arrests. Inquilab - Lahore based paper carried stories of oppression. Gauhar Rehman led the agitation in Mirpur Tehsil. Other areas like Kotli, Bhimber, Rajouri and Poonch also started giving shock waves. Bakerwals were denounced as criminal tribes for their rebellious acts. Disturbance, police firing and deaths started a periodic cycle.
The situation continued until the partition of the subcontinent in 1947. When Maharaja was left to himself for the first time he couldn't decide what to do and the result was the first Indo-Pak war, which ended in the disintegration of the state into Indian administered Kashmir and Pakistan administered Kashmir. The Indian Prime minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru promised a plebiscite to decide the future of Jammu and Kashmir which people are still awaiting for being fulfilled.
In the contemporary history when non-violent measures gained ground, Kashmiris too dreamt of resolution with their active political participation right from 1947. But here also they were politically tortured, maimed and killed.
Such has been the fate of Kashmir that Mahatama Gandhi, who is considered to be the doyen of non violence, is said to have justified war on Kashmir. "Beautiful Kashmir was worth fighting for" said Mahatma Gandhi on December 25, 1947. (Religion in four dimensions by Walker Kaufmann, 1976, p. 248).
As the success eluded Kashmiris on all political fronts, and failure started to mount on them beyond imagination, there was a regeneration of armed struggle in 1989.
The people had hoped that the Indian rule might be a better one, as their Numero Uno leader Sheikh Abdullah had said so. But all went wrong. In addition of the all wrongdoings, India couldn't even protect the integrity of Kashmir and got them deprived of its 38,000 square km Aksai Chin area in 1961 during Sino-Indian war, in which India was thrashed beyond humiliation.
The cycle of tyranny, rebellion and bloodshed continues and the current phase is simply the continuation of four centuries of black past. Some of the worst war crimes were committed here. Kashmir as is known became one beautiful prison where nobody ever comes out of the range of Army sniper.
Of course there has been a difference in the size of death, which has come down from three feet sword to three inch bullet. During the last 18 years the death has visited Kashmir in every form and every shape. Some people were killed en masse in processions, some liquidated singly.
Children were killed in schools, some shot playing cricket. Others were exterminated trying to puff a cigarette for having some fun outside marriage parties.
Who could ever forget women the ever sacrificing, the ever suppressed lot. The more you write about the victims of Kunan Poshpora and Dardpora and many more unreported ones, the more pained one is.
During the last 19 years, people of Kashmir have gone through the situation that can be easily said to be a cruel summary of all the methods of suppression of last 421 years under different occupiers.
In all these five different kingships people suffered, resulting in rebellions and mass migrations.
This is also one of the most important factors why India has unofficially banned teaching Kashmir history in schools.
When people call it 18 or a 60-year-old problem or say just 80,000 persons had laid their life for it, they are making a gross injustice to millions of those who sacrificed their life for the just cause during the more than four centuries of foreign rule.
It seems that India has not learnt lesson from Kashmir’s history. Kashmir has remained independent for thousands of years and the Kashmiris will continue to yearn for the day when they can breathe an air of freedom even if it means fighting for another thousand years. The recent poll by CNN-IBN is an eye opener, which showed 87 per cent Kashmiris still want independence.
The Jews (who claim Jerusalem in full) had to wait and fight for two thousand years before they got hold of the holy land. Some historians with concrete evidence say that Kashmiris are the lost twelve tribes of Jews, so fighting for two thousand years is no big deal for them. In fact the current period of 421 years struggle is just the beginning.
These defiant people still hope for that tomorrow of Yaqub Shah Chek as for them time, life, money and other such essentials are no constraint in its pursuit.
No doubt world has moved on and almost half of world population actively opposes their independence and the rest, tacitly supports that opposition. It is very rarely that one can find a nation still surviving and longing for freedom for 421 years.
(The writer can be mailed haroon@kashmirnewz.com) 

Courtsey:http://www.kashmirnewz.com/a0008.html