Thursday, December 4, 2008

The lotus in the swamp

The lotus in the swamp
Mohanbir S. Sawhney November 27, 2008

UNUSUAL ENTREPRENEURS

These are tough times for entrepreneurs. We are going through one of the worst economic crises in history. The meltdown in financial markets has plunged economies around the world into a recession.

Entrepreneurs are finding that investors have all but disappeared and revenues are declining as customers cut back spending. Given these woes in the capital markets and the economy, it seems that this is a very bad time to start a new company or to grow a start-up business.

Yet, history suggests that difficult economic conditions may actually be the best of times for entrepreneurship. Like a lotus that thrives in a dirty swamp, some of the most innovative companies have emerged during deep recessions.

And just as the lotus relies on the swamp for its nutrition, startup companies can actually benefit from difficult economic conditions. The Great Depression of 1929 was the most severe and prolonged economic crisis the world has ever seen.

And yet, it was during these times that great companies like Motorola and Texas Instruments were founded. Ironically, it was during the Depression that Fortune was launched, when there wasn’t much business to talk about. The next biggest recession the United States experienced was in 1982, as the economy shrank by 2.2 per cent and unemployment spiked at 10.8 per cent.

However, it was during this time that we saw the birth of the IBM PC, the founding of Sun Microsystems, and the creation of Cisco Systems. These events gave birth to the PC industry, the computer workstation industry and the networking industry.

Twenty years later, as the US was again mired in recession in 2001, Apple launched its first retail store and introduced its revolutionary iPod digital music player. As Steve Jobs noted, Apple does not pay attention to the state of the economy. Instead, it believes that as long as it keeps putting great products in front of customers, they will continue to open their wallets.

Why are difficult economic times a good time for start-ups and innovation? There are several reasons. First, when funding is easy to come by, as it was during the dotcom boom, there is a lot of noise and confusion in the marketplace.

Many dubious business concepts get funded, and it is difficult to separate the wheat from the chaff. Start-ups are locked into a mad race to “get big fast”, even though they cannot absorb the pace of growth that is demanded by impatient investors.

In my experience, far more start-up companies die of indigestion than of starvation. When you get too much money too fast, you end up spending it in foolish ways. And you don’t have as much pressure to make the business profitable, because you can always raise more money.

Just as homeowners in the US got into trouble when banks lent them more money than they should have, venture investors tend to pressure start-up companies to accept more capital than they need, which can end up getting them into trouble in the long run.

Another reason that recessions are good for start-ups is that customers become more demanding about value for money. So start-up companies are forced to ask themselves hard questions about what value they offer to their customers and why customers should do business with them.

When a market is growing rapidly, it doesn’t take much to sell your products and services. After all, a rising tide lifts all fortunes. But, as the legendary investor Warren Buffet observed, it is when the tide goes out that you find out who has been swimming naked.

Finally, a recession in an industry often signals that the current technologies and current business models are running out of steam, and that it is time for disruptive new technologies and innovative business models to take hold. For instance, the Desktop computing paradigm grew out of the declining fortunes of the Mainframe computing paradigm.

Similarly, we are witnessing a slowdown in the Enterprise Software market, but at the same time, we are witnessing the emergence of Software as a Service (SaaS) paradigm and the Open Source Software paradigm, which have the potential to usher in a new era of software, applications and devices. Take the mobile device industry, for example.

While the fortunes of conventional mobile handset manufacturers like Motorola and Sony Ericsson are declining, we are seeing the creation of open-source mobile devices based on Google’s operating system, location-based services on mobile devices, mobile gaming, mobile advertising and mobile commerce.

Entrepreneurship may actually thrive in difficult economic times, because entrepreneurs need to be more disciplined
Entrepreneurship may actually thrive in difficult economic times, because entrepreneurs need to be more disciplined
Customers’ needs do not disappear in a recession. There is always room to innovate, and even more room when the existing paradigm is looking tired.

So the spirit of entrepreneurship remains alive and well even when things look gloomy. And entrepreneurship in India is no exception. Despite all the bad news we read about in the newspapers and the breathtaking decline of the Indian stock market, the Indian entrepreneurship scene is more vibrant than ever before.

A case in point— the Tata NEN Hottest Start-ups contest that is currently ongoing has received over 500 entries. The range of industries and markets these start-ups represent is amazingly diverse—from traditional domains like IT, Internet, media, outsourcing and retail to newer domains like healthcare, cleantech, biotech and agribusiness. And the fundamentals of the Indian economy remain solid.

The Indian Internet audience grew to 28 million users by April 2008, a 27 per cent increase from the previous year. The mobile subscriber industry in India continues to be on a tear, reaching 315 million subscribers by September 2008, with 10 million new subscribers being added every month.

And despite the economic slowdown, the organised retail market continues to hold immense opportunity as it still stands at only 4 per cent of the total retail market. The silver lining to the devaluation of the Indian rupee is that revenues for start-up companies focused on the US and Europe are almost 25 per cent higher in rupee terms than they were six months ago.

Clearly, there is no shortage of opportunities in the market. And there is no shortage of talented and passionate entrepreneurs who are pursuing these opportunities.

However, entrepreneurs do need to recalibrate their strategies for difficult economic times, as investment capital becomes scarce and the marketplace slows down. They need to think differently about their markets, their offerings, their approach to funding, and their operations. Here are some tips for surviving and thriving in difficult economic times:

Grow organically: Think about how you can grow your start-up company with minimal or no external capital. This might sound difficult, but on deeper reflection, investment capital is usually required for two reasons: to fund product development and to get big fast in a competitive race.

I advise entrepreneurs to begin with project-based services that can provide quick revenues and lessen the cash burn, and then gradually invest in product development as they generate resources organically. The mantra is “servicise to learn, and then productise to earn”.

Further, in difficult economic times, getting big fast may not be essential, because the race will be won not by those who run the fastest, but by those who last the longest. So you can afford to slow down and pace yourself to run a marathon, instead of burning out quickly in a frantic sprint fuelled by venture capital.

Sharpen your value proposition: As customers become more demanding, you can’t afford to be wishy-washy about why they should be doing business with your company. You need to communicate your value proposition clearly, crisply and concisely.

What benefits do you offer? When, where and who should be using your products? What situations or scenarios have you optimised your offerings for? How are your offerings better than competing alternatives, including the alternative of not buying anything at all?

How can you make it easier for customers to do business with you? How can you reduce their perceived risk of using your products or doing business with a small company? These are questions you should pay close attention to.

Diversify your markets: For a start-up company, it is a good idea not to have all your eggs in one basket. If you focus exclusively on one market, you are more vulnerable to sharp downturns in that market or in currency fluctuations.

For instance, the US market looked very lucrative a few years ago for Indian IT companies, but an over-dependence on the US is now hurting them. As an entrepreneur, think about how you can make your products and services relevant to the Indian market as well as to developed markets.

Variablise your assets: Fixed assets are the bane of start-up companies. You need loads of capital to acquire fixed assets, and they greatly limit your flexibility once you have acquired them. So, whether it is real estate, computers, software, office equipment or even staffing, think ten times before you put a single rupee into the ground.

Instead of buying servers and setting up data centres, use virtual “cloud computing” services like. Rent your office space, your office furniture and your office staff.

Use part-timers where you can to reduce your burn rate. I have seen start-up companies even time-share their executive management— hiring a part-time CFO or CMO until they have the resources and the need for highly-paid executive talent.

Variablising your assets makes you leaner and more agile, putting you in a better position to ride out the storm.

The spirit of entrepreneurship lives on in times good and bad. Entrepreneurship may thrive in difficult economic times, because entrepreneurs need to be more disciplined, more focused, and less distracted by competition.

If entrepreneurs can adapt their strategies to position themselves for the downturn, the same economic headwinds that are slowing them down can become the wind at their back, propelling them to the Promised Land.

—The author is McCormick Tribune Professor of Technology and director, Centre for Research in Technology and Innovation, Kellogg School of Management.


http://indiatoday.digitaltoday.in/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&issueid=82&id=21101&Itemid=1&sectionid=3&completeview=1

Courtesy: India Today

Thursday, October 16, 2008

வெளிச்சம் வெளியே இல்லை

வெளிச்சம் வெளியே இல்லை - மு. மேத்தா


வீட்டுக்கு வெளியே ஓர் ஓரமாய்த் தயங்கித் தயங்கி உட்கார்ந்திருக்கிறது நம்பிக்கை வெகு நேரமாய்!


கவலையும் பயமும் என்னைக் கட்டிப் பிடித்துக்கொண்டு கட்டிலில் என்னுடன்.


சாயங்காலத்துக் காற்றுப் போல் உரிமையோடு உள்ளே நுழையும் சலனம்.
விரக்தி- ஒரு போர்வையாய் என் தலை முதல் கால்வரை போர்த்தியிருக்கும்.
வீட்டுக்கு வெளியே ஓர் ஓரமாய்த் தயங்கித் தயங்கி உட்கார்ந்திருக்கிறது நம்பிக்கை வெகு நேரமாய்!


நம்பிக்கையிடம் சலனமும் பெரு மூச்சும் சண்டை பிடிக்க பயம் ஓடிச்சென்று பரிகாசம் செய்கிறது:


"ஐயன்மீர் யாரோ? ஓ... பழைய நண்பரா?
பார்வையாளர் நேரம் முடிந்துவிட்டது... பயனெதுவும் இல்லை.


போவீர்... வருவீர் போய் வருவீர்!"


வேக வேகமாய் வந்த விரக்தி விரட்டுகிறது:


"அவசியம் பார்க்க வேண்டுமென்று அடம் பிடிக்காதே.


அவரோ - நூறு வகையான நோய்களில் நொந்து போய்ப்


படுத்த படுக்கையில் படுபாடு படுகிறார்.


இன்றோ நாளையோ அவர் இறந்த பிறகு


தந்தி கொடுக்கிறோம் தாராளமாய் வா.


இப்போது உடனே இடத்தைக் காலிசெய்!"


நகரா திருக்கும் நம்பிக்கை மோதும் குரலில் முழக்கமிடுகிறது.


"உள்ளே நுழைவதைத் தடுக்கிறீர்கள்...


எனது உரத்த குரலினை என்ன செய்வீர்கள்?"


பயமும் கவலையும் பஞ்சினைத் தேடின... என் காதுகளை அடைக்கக் கனத்த முயற்சிகள்...


குறுக்கீடுகளைத் தாண்டி நம்பிக்கை குரல் கொடுக்கிறது:


"தோழனே! ஓ! என் தோழனே! நான் தான் உனது நம்பிக்கை நண்பன்.


சுதந்திரக் கொடியின் சுடரொளியாக உச்சிக் கம்பத்தில் உயரப் பறந்த நீ ஏன் இப்போது


அரைக் கம்பத்தில் இறங்கி அழத் தொடங்குகிறாய்?


அவிழ்க்க முடியாமல் உன்னை அவதிப் படுத்தும் விரக்தியின் முடிச்சுகளை வெட்டி எறி!


உன்னுடைய புண்களின் மீது புன்னகையைத் தடவு!


எதிர் காலத்தை எழுதுவதற்கு உன் மனதில் பட்ட காயங்களில் மை தொட்டுக் கொள்!


போர்வைகளில் ஏன் இப்படிப் புதைந்து கிடக்கிறாய்?


விழித்து நீ எழுந்தால் விலங்குகளே நொறுங்கும்!


சின்ன நூல்கண்டா உன்னைச் சிறைப்படுத்தி வைப்பது?"


நம்பிக்கையின் வார்த்தை மின்சாரம் நரம்புகளில் பாய்ந்து


உறக்கத்தைக் கலைத்து உசுப்பிவிட


விரக்திப் போர்வையை வீசி எறிந்தேன் -


கவலை பயங்களை ஓரத்தில் விழும்படி உதறி எழுந்தேன்


தடைகளை மீறித் தாழ்ப்பாள் திறந்து


அருமை நண்பனை உள்ளே அழைத்தேன்!


நானும் நம்பிக்கையும் கை குலுக்கிக் கொண்டு நாற்காலிகளில் அருகருகே அமர்ந்திருக்க


எடுபிடி வேலை செய்யத் துவங்கின இதுவரை என்னை ஏவிக்கொண்டிருந்த கவலையும் பயமும்.


தேநீர் கொண்டுவந்து மேசையில் வைத்து "சர்க்கரை போதுமா சார்?" என்று கேட்டன.


சலனம்- பெருமூச்சோடு காலிக் கோப்பைகளை எடுத்துச் சென்று கழுவி வைத்தது...


விரக்தி மட்டும் ஒரு கௌரவமான வில்லன் போல் விடைபெற்றுக் கொண்டு வெளியேறியது!

Thursday, September 11, 2008

Kashmir What's Your Destiny

Posted by: Vijayabharathi C

It’s August 24, 2008


It’s curfew time in Srinagar, the capital of Indian Administrated Kashmir. Most people are staying indoors and the atmosphere is one of eerie silence. A loud scream piercing the silence originates from the street running by Ghulam Qadir Hajam's house, deep inside a maze of narrow lanes. Hajam knew it was his son Mohammad Yaqoob who had just stepped out to fetch milk for preparing the afternoon tea. Anxious, the 70-year-old local barber first asks his other son Hilal to check. The screams grow louder now and he decides to go out as well. Moments later, he is shot dead in cold blood. The CRPF men opened fire at him, a few meters outside his house. His son, Yaqoob too was hit with bullets and both are battling for life. Hilal is clueless as to what crime his father and brother had committed, to get a round of bullets in the chest. As Hilal is crying on the road, an ambulance takes the people towards the nearest hospital....

It’s October 24 1947

The clock is now shifted back by 61 years. It’s a chilly autumn night on 24th October 1947..Maharaja hari singh, ruler of J & K is merrily enjoying the festival of lord Shiva in his palatial palace in the presence of his commanders and ministers. This festival is prominent for its colorfulness and vivacity. But, at the same time, 100 Miles away a man is busy lighting the fuse of a few gelatin sticks covertly placed in the main chamber of the Mohra hydro electric power station, constructed on the banks of river Jhelum. A few seconds later, a thunderous noise erupts and the entire power station is reduced to rubble. The aftershock of the blast could be felt 100 miles away from the power station, when all the lights went out in Srinagar. Suddenly, the city of Srinagar was plunged into darkness. The Maharaja, the British living in houseboats, and mainly the people of Srinagar, had no idea of what was happening. They didn’t think that it was a bad omen for the state and a harbinger of things to come. At the same time, hundreds of jackals, armed to the teeth are now nearing Baramulla, a border town in the valley. These jackals are nothing but wild natured Pathans originating from Peshawar. They are very optimistic about capturing the Kashmir valley and making it accede to Pakistan. This daring move from the Pathans was aided predominantly due to a political blunder made by the Maharaja of J&K, Hari Singh. During the accession of princely states with India and Pakistan, Lord Mountbatten urged him to make J&K accede to Pakistan, because of its predominant Muslim population and geographical proximity to Pakistan. He declined, as he was a Hindu. Mountbatten requested him to consider the option of merging with India at least. Again he declined, probably because the power and the charm associated with the throne intoxicated his mind. As a result, these marauders from the West began to invade J&K, spurred by vested interests in Pakistan. As these wild barbaric Pathans began closing in on the bustling town of Srinagar, they went on a killing and looting spree in the adjoining areas. The Maharaja was left with no option and blindly signed the accession treaty with India, without taking into account the will of his subjects. On October 27 1947, the Indian army entered the valley from the Jammu side and began to repel the marauding Pathans. This event marked the start of the first Kashmir war……


Troubled Region

After the first Kashmir war between India and Pakistan in 1947, the state was divided between the 2 nations. India took Jammu, Ladakh, and the Kashmir valley while Pakistan took the small strip of western Kashmir, Gilgit and Baltistan. According to the UN treaty, the state is disputed territory. Neither India nor Pakistan can claim the state. A plebiscite to decide whether the territory belongs to India or Pakistan has not been conducted for the past 61 years. Separatism and anti India feelings began to grow in the valley from 1947 onwards. The reason being its predominantly Muslim population and geographical proximity to Pakistan began to make the Kashmiri Muslims develop a soft corner and a sense of false brotherhood towards Pakistan. Since the early 1950’s, many people in the valley, especially Muslims, were made to believe that their land was being illegally occupied by India, thanks to the propaganda created by hardcore separatist leaders.

Till 1988, though this thought was ingrained in the hearts of many people, apart from a few, many didn’t express their outburst publicly. After the allegedly rigged elections in 1988, Kashmiri Muslims started to give vent to their anti India feelings publicly through violent protests. The agitation took an ugly turn when many of the youth started to take Kalashnikovs in their hands, and started waging Jihad (a holy war) against India. Consequently, militancy erupted and peaked in the early nineties. The Indian army controlled militancy during the mid and late 90’s.Miltancy started to decline after 2003 as a result of peace talks by the governments India and Pakistan and a bilateral ceasefire agreement followed. Militancy declined, but the alienation of Kashmiri Muslims from India’s mainstream was very pronounced and was at its zenith since the dawn of militancy. The Indian army already had a notorious name in dealing with counter insurgency. A standing example of this is when they were sent as peace keeping forces in Srilanka. There, they violated human rights in many Tamilian areas. They repeated the same blunder in Kashmir, thereby losing the faith and the trust of the people. Pro-Pakistani ISI elements in the valley used this opportunity to
further fuel the fire about separatist sentiments in the valley.

Present Turmoil

The state is well known for its religious harmony. Hindus and Muslims have lived in harmony for many years in the valley. During the partition of India, one part of the country, which didn’t bear the brunt of the Hindu-Muslim riots, was Kashmir valley. Even Mahatma Gandhi had a word of praise for the valley for maintaining its harmony and tolerance to other religions. But, at the onset of militancy, this house of harmony began to develop fissures. There were terrible and macabre attacks on Hindus (Kashmiri Pundits) by Islamic fundamentalists. This led to the ethnic cleansing of pundits from valley. Nearly five hundred thousand pundits abandoned the valley for fear of their lives (This divide became wider in the recent Amarnath land transfer controversy). Separatists began to control the functioning of the valley from this point onwards, firmly and fanatically.

When Hindu fundamentalists in Jammu began to enforce an economic blockade in the valley by stopping traffic on the NH-1A (Srinagar –Jammu highway which is the lifeline of the valley) a storm started brewing in Kashmir. Initially the situation could be compared to a Category 1 hurricane, when hundreds of people started to protest in the streets of every town of the valley. It became further elevated to a Category 3 hurricane like situation, when thousands of people tried to cross the LoC in trucks for doing trade as per the separatists call. The date was August 12, 2008, when 33 human lives were snuffed out, thanks to the stray bullets of the police and CRPF. A violent Category 5 hurricane like scenario started taking shape, threatening to raze to the ground everything that came in its midst. Just like a dam breached, the floodgates were thrown open and Millions of Kashmiri Muslims began to pour in from every nook and corner of the streets for each separatist’s protest call. Thousands and thousands of people defied the curfew, braving the bullets and the bitter cold. When Separatists chanted slogans like ‘Pampore Chalo’, ‘IdGah Chalo’, Lakhs and Lakhs of people attended the rally, chanting the same slogans along with their leaders in a state of frenzied stupor. It was just like a sea of people, with human waves as big as a tsunami. Separatists couldn’t believe that this much support could be garnered in such a short span of time. What militants, the ISI, and separatists failed to achieve in the valley since 1989, Hindu fanatics and a complacent Central Government have achieved for them. All this cauldron of frustration and pent-up emotions needed was a small spark of
hatred at the right time. And that was indeed present.

Wakeup India!!

What is Kashmir’s Destiny?

At present, we can think of two possible scenarios. As this chronic problem has not been amicably resolved for the past 6 decades, we have to completely rethink our policy towards Kashmir. For every kashmiri muslim, his/her blood flows with unique blood group namely F+, i.e. Freedom!! How long can we appease them with some CBM’s? CBM’s like constructing railways, srinagar-muzaffarabad trade, can make only temporary solution in their heart. Freedom is in their deep mind. So we can think rationally of giving self determination to the people.let them deceide their fate of 3 options,Independence,Pakistan,India. Kashmiri muslims at this stage will opt for independence as it is known by poll conducted by CNN-IBN 8 months ago. My mind says this solution as one option.. but thinking of this solution, as a Indian my heart breaks..


On the other hand, for a country to give an unstable and polarized territory autonomy is nothing short of hara-kiri for its national integrity and unity. Suppose the government fails to solve this issue amicably, at some point of time, Kashmir may get independence like Kosovo or may merge with Pakistan thanks to disgruntled and irate Kashmiris fighting for their cause. As an upshot, the adverse effects of this eventuality on India cannot even be imagined. Separatism may engulf many states of India like a raging forest fire. As of today, half a dozen states in the North eastern area are asking for freedom. The freedom of Kashmir may embolden them and they may pursue their cause further. After some years, India may have like situation of USSR splitting into pieces, Who knows, after some time even tamilnadu led by local Dravidian parties may ask freedom. Remember there was separatism in tamilnadu upto 1960.

So, this issue is very intricate and delicate, like a silk suit entangled in a thorny bush. It’s comparable to the unenviable situation of two airplanes standing on either sides of the same runway, wanting to take-off at the
same time. If both of them try to take-off at the same time, neither one will take-off. Similarly, the residents
of J&K need to unite, sit and talk together and iron out their differences to find an acceptable solution. So, a collective will is required from the people of Jammu, Kashmir and the rulers of the nation to achieve a common consensus, keeping in mind the nation’s best interests and developing a higher degree of tolerance towards the beliefs of other communities. One possible solution to current situation can be private investment and capital can enter the impoverished state. This will provide the youth of Kashmir with jobs in their hands instead of AK-47s and Kalashnikovs. Remember, economic salvation and the promise of a better future to Kashmir’s younger generation hold more water than idealistic (radical) principles. Of course, taking such a bold step requires a lion hearted administration, both at the centre and the state, educating the separatists and hard core leaders of the opportunities that lie before them if such a law is enacted and curbing the vested interests that may scuttle the implementation of such a law. This can also serve the purpose of integrating Muslims into the Indian mainstream, a cry long heard from many frustrated Muslims, Islamic clerics and politicians alike.

As this article is being drafted, another youth has perished on the already blood dyed streets of Srinagar. It makes one ask “Is blood cheaper than water in Kashmir”? Only the sands of time can reveal the answer.

http://www.risingkashmir.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=6811&Itemid=44

Thursday, September 4, 2008

Bhiwani to Beijing: Lessons from a journey

Bhiwani to Beijing: Lessons from a journey

  • Posted by Rajdeep Sardesi

Journalism has a nose for nostalgia : Twenty years ago ahead of the Seoul Olympics, I was sent as a cub reporter to track down the family of KD Jadhav, independent India's first Olympic medallist. The story of a wrestler in the small town of Karad in Maharashtra had a familiar ring to it: neglect, deprivation and a sense of anger at being forgotten in a cricket-crazy country. Ahead of the Beijing Olympics, the Jadhavs once again experienced their ritualistic date with fame. Perhaps, it's the last time we'll tell their tale. In the aftermath of Beijing, the country has found new Olympian families to showcase: next time, it will be the Bindras of Chandigarh and the Kumars of Bhiwani who will be celebrated. While India's first medallist died battling for his policeman's pension, the new generation heroes are already on the crorepati list.

Its taken fifty-six long and frustrating years for bronze to turn into gold for India's Olympic athletes.In the meantime, China, which won its first Olympic gold as late as 1984, has become the number one Olympic country, the US remains a powerhouse of talent, and even tiny Jamaica has established an enviable reputation.

If the Olympic medal tally was to rank countries in a ratio of population to medals won, we'd still probably be close to bottom, our sole satisfaction emerging from the fact that our eternal rivals, the Pakistanis, have drawn a blank.

Jadhav won his medal in the same year (1952) that India had its first general election. His win at the time should have heralded the arrival of a young nation on the world stage. Instead, it became a footnote in the history books. This was a time of the grand Nehruvian dream: of five year plans, scientific temper, non-alignment, big dams and heavy industries.In this vision of a new India, Olympic sports had little place. Hockey alone prospered because of the legacy that had been handed over by the colonialists: the clubs and army grounds remained the nurseries of the sport. The rest of Indian sport was literally consigned to endless debates about why we were an Olympic zero.

The Nehruvians saw sports as yet another large public sector undertaking, to be managed like a steel plant. The Soviet-style buildings that housed our sporting bodies typified a bureaucratic mindset: the malaise of sporting talent being controlled by mean-spirited officials never left us from the very beginning. Ironically, the Soviets (and now the Chinese) were highly successful in developing Olympic sport through a "controlled" system. The reason was simple: an autocratic model of managing sport can work in a totalitarian political system, not in a chaotic democracy like ours. The Chinese system can train six year old gymnasts to do sixty sit ups: in India, child rights activists would have filed a petition complaining of child abuse

And yet, maybe for the first time in six decades of independence, there may be a twist in the Indian Olympic tale and Beijing 2008 could mark a defining moment. For the first time there is a genuine belief that India's next Olympic gold wont take quite so long, and that by the year 2020, we might actually get enough medals for customs officials to take note. What has changed? On the surface, very little. Our officials still remain as lethargic and junket-obsessed as ever. We still hire sporting grounds for marriages. Our athletes still receive shamelessly meager daily allowances. And we still cant shake off the monopoly of cricket in our lives.

What we have shaken off though is the inferiority complex that was sustained by a litany of past failures. Its not just Abhinav Bindra's Mr Cool act that symbolizes a quiet confidence that was missing in previous Olympics. As a child of privilege, Bindra had the benefit of exceptional parental support from a very young age. In an expensive sport, his success was almost fashioned like a well-crafted business plan for which his family deserves enormous credit. But what is perhaps even more creditable is the remarkable performance of our boxers and wrestlers. Its not just the medals they've won, it's the journey they've undertaken to get there that suggests we have finally crossed a psychological barrier to actually compete at the highest level.

From Bhiwani to Beijing is an arduous road but one that the Kumars have shown the courage and passion to undertake. Mohammed Ali once famously said that to be a good boxer you needed strong fists, but an even stronger heart. To watch our boxers, win or lose, look at their opponents in the eye, must rank as one of the finer moments in Indian sport. Not to forget bronze medallist Sushil Kumar and tiny Saina Nehwal who showed enough talent in her first Olympic appearance to make us believe that she will win a medal in the future.

Undoubtedly, there are many more Sainas and Sushil Kumars waiting to be discovered. We are an aspirational society, one which is on the cusp of change. Sporting success is part of that process of change, of unleashing the dormant energies that were stifled by bureaucratic chains. We still don't have a sporting culture like the Americans or the Australians, but atleast we've moved beyond the Hindu rate of growth. As the economy expands, sports will be a natural beneficiary since it offers increasing opportunities for upward mobility, a chance to move overnight from a tinshed to a bungalow. Moreover, in the age of 24 hour news television, new role models are being constantly thrown up, with every medal won spurring a wave of nationalistic pride.

What is needed then is to sustain the Beijing momentum with a single-minded commitment to harness talent across the country, not just in the big cities. Cricket 'democratised' itself , which is why we have achieved so much success at the game. Now, other sports too need to be 'liberated' from the mai-baap culture of the Nehruvian era.

Here's a thought: why don't each of the IPL team owners adopt one sport and make it part of their business plan? Bhiwani could do with a world-class boxing gymnasium.

Posted by Rajdeep Sardesi

http://www.ibnlive.com/blogs/rajdeepsardesai/1/52610/bhiwani-to-beijing-lessons-from-a-journey.html

Monday, September 1, 2008

Ambivalent views over Gandhi killer

Ambivalent views over Gandhi killer
By Rajesh Joshi
BBC Hindi service


As India observes the 60th anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi's death, Hindu nationalist groups still grapple with the question whether to reject or appreciate his killer.

Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated by a Hindu nationalist Nathuram Godse on 30 January, 1948 in Delhi's Birla House.

In the communally charged atmosphere during India's Partition in August 1947, Godse and his accomplices held Mahatma Gandhi responsible for the miseries of the Hindus and accused him of appeasing Muslims.

Right-wing Hindu nationalist organisations like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, (Nationalist Volunteers' Organisation) were banned and many of its leaders were sent to jail following the assassination of Gandhi.

The RSS is the ideological fountainhead of India's main opposition party BJP.

'Selfless act'

Nathuram Godse was later tried and hanged but the RSS was exonerated and the government decided to lift the ban on its activities.

Even though the RSS publicly rejects Nathuram Godse, its leaders don't hide their appreciation for what they call his "selfless act".

"We will have to accept that Nathuram Godse acted with selfless spirit; he did not have any self-interest in it. He must also have been aware that he would be hanged for what he was going to do. This spirit cannot be denied," RSS ideologue Devendra Swaroop told the BBC.

"But he was wrong if he thought that Gandhiji was taking history in a wrong direction and by killing him he could correct the course of history," adds Mr Swaroop.

"RSS firmly believes that Godse acted at the spur of the moment and it was quite detrimental for the Hindu society. Gandhi dead proved to be stronger than Gandhi alive."


Leaders of the Bajrang Dal, another affiliate of the RSS, believe that Godse's role in history needs to be reassessed.

"People may object to his method but I don't believe that he committed such an act (of killing Gandhi) with some personal animosity," says Prakash Sharma, head of the Bajrang Dal.

"He was concerned for the country and at that time he did what he thought was right."

Gandhi and his thoughts have more than once posed a challenge to the ideology of Hindu nationalists.

Some Hindu leaders openly condemned Gandhi's policy of non-violence and friendship between Hindus and Muslims during the anti-Muslim riots that broke out in India's western state Gujarat in February 2002.

'Abandon Gandhi'

Pravin Togadia of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council) said in a public gathering: "Until the day we give up Gandhi's ideology of non violence and the ideology of surrendering before the Muslims, terrorism cannot be defeated."

"My brothers, we will have to abandon Gandhi."

However, RSS spokesman Ram Madhav denies that his organisation faces a dilemma about Godse.

"This issue had been resolved decades ago that he (Godse) had nothing to do with RSS and Gandhiji's assassination had nothing to do with RSS," he said.

But Mahatma Gandhi's great grandson Tushar Gandhi is not impressed - he accuses the RSS of doublespeak.

"Whenever an organisation uses a weapon to achieve its agenda, it abandons the weapon after using it. They use and throw it like a condom," he said.

"I have seen a deep feeling of devotion in the Sangh Parivar (or the RSS family) for Nathuram Godse and I know how they cherish him. But they do it secretly because they lack the courage."

Courtesy: BBC News

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7217146.stm

Impressions from Kashmir war zone

Impressions from Kashmir war zone

Indian troops have been fighting an insurgency by Islamic militants in Indian-administered Kashmir since 1989. Here, a young Indian soldier who has just been stationed there reflects on the sadness of war.

First impressions - I land at Srinagar after waiting for six hours for the flight to take off.

Indian troops in Srinagar
Indian troops are highly visible on the streets of Srinagar

It's winter here, that's why the delay, but still I'm excited. Almost think of it as my destiny.

I don't believe in destiny, that's why almost. The air is cold. Bites me.

It's fresh, exhilarating. It's different. But I feel unusually happy. Wonder why?

There are vehicles here to receive us at the airport, and we drive back to our location.

Distrust

I drive through the city and I see people who wear clothes differently.

The women are beautiful. Not like the good-looking women down in Delhi, but really beautiful.

And it takes a decent amount of effort not to stare. But I manage.

The shadow of the gun looms large and suddenly I feel very suffocated


I am so enthralled by the trees, the streams, the hills in the far distance, the cold air, the snow, everything. But there is something else.

Every 50 metres there's this man standing with a weapon. In uniform. A soldier.

Every five minutes there is a convoy of army vehicles passing by with weapon-bearing, menacing-looking men, standing on top, looking down.

Eyes furtively searching for something. Anything.

The air is heavy and not free. The shadow of the gun looms large and suddenly I feel very suffocated.

The army is omnipresent. It's like darkness filling up a vacuum.

I don't think these people think of me as their own, the local public that is.

But since they have no choice they accept me (they have no choice). And I think, why is it this way?

Why is it that the place I think of as my own country, people that I think of as my own people do not really want me here?

Their eyes look at me with distrust, and resignation. And I want to get out and tell them that I'm alright.

'Another soldier in uniform'

Then I look at myself, and see myself in uniform and I see what they see.

soldier in argument
A Kashmiri woman argues with a soldier during a search operation

"Another soldier in uniform."

And I guess they are not wrong in feeling what they feel. And I feel very sad at the state of affairs.

I want to tell them that I am about as good or as bad as any of them, and I am not here to harm them.

Beneath the uniform I am just a young man in his twenties trying to find answers in life.

I also love the smell of freshly fallen rain on the earth, laugh with my friends, smile when a baby smiles, love a beautiful woman, enjoy movies and music and do all the normal things that anyone does.

I am not responsible for the state of affairs.

Then the question pops in my mind, who is?

There come a multitude of answers: the Indian government, the Pakistani state, poor leadership, mismanagement of affairs, rigged elections and many more.

Just history?

But all this is just history and we cannot do anything about it. The real reason for the state of affairs is us - you and I.

We are responsible for how things are and we alone can put them right.

There are discussions and more discussions on the solutions to the problem and I really do not want to get into any of that.

kashmiri children
Kashmiri children playing near the Line of Control
All I am saying is that it is sad that small children are not amazed any more when they see a weapon-carrying man around them - a militant or a soldier.

That if one is not home at night, the fear of never seeing them again sets in, that young teenagers grow up in an atmosphere of terror, never realising what it means to be free.

What I am saying is that I may be a soldier, but I am definitely not the enemy.

In the end, there is still hope. As we turn round the corner, we slow down. There are small children playing.

One of them, a small boy of five or six, looks up and waves at me. And he smiles. A genuine smile that only children have.

I wave back. He has not learnt yet that here you do not wave and smile at army men. There is still hope.

The soldier wished to remain anonymous. His account first appeared on the BBC Urdu service website.

Courtesy: BBC news

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6262743.stm

How the PS3 led Blu-ray's triumph

How the PS3 led Blu-ray's triumph
By Will Smale
Business reporter, BBC News

Blu-ray disc and player
Blu-ray looks to have won the high definition DVD battle

The next-generation DVD format war is over, and the future is Blu-ray.

Ever since the two rival high definition DVD systems were launched in 2006 - Sony's Blu-ray and Toshiba's HD DVD - there could only be one winner.

In a re-run of the VHS and Betamax video cassette battle of the early 1980s, each raced to win over both the home consumer and the big Hollywood film studios.

Toshiba's announcement that it is to stop production of HD DVD players leaves the way clear for Blu-ray to become the industry standard.

Yet how did Toshiba fail while Sony succeeded?

It is a story of computer game consoles, marketing savvy and schmoozing in Los Angeles, as well as Sony's determination not to let history repeat itself.

Which, at the end of the day, all boils down to much higher sales figures for Sony.

Playstation advantage

The first factor that needs to be put completely to one side is picture quality. Unless you are a technology geek with a television the size of a multiplex cinema screen, there is no difference between the output of HD DVD and Blu-ray machines.

Sony Playstation 3
Sony's Playstation 3 gave Blu-ray a key advantage

Both offer high definition DVD playback superior to standard DVD players.

Where Sony had the killer edge is that its Playstation 3 (PS3) computer games console comes pre-fitted with a Blu-ray player.

So as Sony has sold 10.5 million PS3 consoles since it was launched in late 2006, that is 10.5 million Blu-ray machines already in homes around the world, before you add sales of stand-alone Blu-ray players.

By contrast, Toshiba has sold only one million HD DVD machines.

Toshiba does have a tie-up with Microsoft's Xbox 360 games console, but Xbox users are required to buy an external HD DVD drive.

And as Toshiba's one million sales figure for HD DVD machines also includes shipments of these drives, it appears that not many Xbox owners have been bothered to go to the additional expense.

Hollywood moves

Sony also had a head start over Toshiba in persuading the big US film studios to back Blu-ray - its own Sony Pictures is one of the main players in Hollywood.

It's good for consumers, some of whom must have been resisting buying next-generation DVD recorders because of the two incompatible formats
Gartner analyst Hiroyuki Shimizu

Walt Disney and 20th Century Fox joined Sony Pictures in supporting Blu-ray.

And although Paramount Pictures, Universal Pictures and Warner Bros initially decided to back HD DVD, Warner Bros switched sides last month.

For many analysts, this was the final nail in the coffin for HD DVD.

"When Warner made its decision, it was basically over," says Kazuharu Miura, an analyst at Daiwa Institute of Research in Tokyo.

Key US DVD retailers Target and Blockbuster have also decided to go with Blu-ray.

Betamax lessons

Other analysts also point to Sony's better marketing campaign for Blu-ray, fuelled by its determination not to lose a format war that brought back painful memories of the defeat of its Betamax video format by the JVC-developed VHS.

HD DVD sign
Is HD DVD going to go the same way as Betamax?

Although Betamax offered better picture quality, VHS machines were cheaper and quickly gained the majority of market share, eventually killing off Betamax.

It appears that Sony spent many years analysing that defeat and this time around, it was much better prepared.

Putting a Blu-ray player in each PS3 was the secret weapon to ensure the format's presence in customers' front rooms around the world, effectively making their choice of high definition DVD player for them.

Toshiba's gain

While Toshiba's decision to end the production of HD DVD players is undoubtedly a humiliation for the company, analysts say it will be good for the firm's profits.

Goldman Sachs estimates that the move will boost Toshiba's profitability by up to 40bn yen ($370m; £190m) a year.

"The potential losses are small compared to the savings," says Goldman Sachs analyst Ikuo Matsuhashi.

Commentators also point to the fact that as consumer electronics is such a small part of Toshiba's business, it could afford to lose the format battle.

For while finished electrical goods such as laptops, DVD players and televisions make up just 6% of Toshiba's profits, it makes 40% of them from the sale of computer chips and a similar proportion from its nuclear power operations.

By contrast, consumer electrical goods have always been core to Sony's profits.

Uninterested consumers?

But what does it all mean for consumers?

"It's good for consumers, some of whom must have been resisting buying next-generation DVD recorders because of the two incompatible formats," says Hiroyuki Shimizu, an analyst at IT research company Gartner.

"If there's only one format, consumers don't have to worry about incompatibility."

Yet while Mr Shimizu predicts sales of Blu-ray players and discs will now take off, other analysts say the format battle is meaningless.

They say this is because a growing number of consumers are already turning their backs on DVD players to download their movies via the internet instead, or from their satellite or cable television provider.

Adding that electronics companies are wrong to assume that viewers want ever better picture quality, they point to the failure of high fidelity music formats Super Audio CD and DVD-Audio in the face of the explosion in the popularity of music downloads.

While typical digital music formats such as MP3 have reduced sound quality compared with even standard CDs, their convenience has more than won over consumers.

The future of high definition DVD players may very well be Blu-ray, but whether they can make a dent in the face of the growing march of computer downloads is quite another story.

A battle between pens and guns

A battle between pens and guns
By Shujaat Bukhari

India journalist Shujaat Bukhari I have a thump of fear, each time the phone rings late at night at my home. It is not a normal state like any other Indian state, but one of the flashpoints in the world.

Only recently, Richard Armitage, said in Sydney, "Kashmir is a dangerous place." So everyday for a journalist in Jammu and Kashmir state in northern Himalyan region of South Asia is a new challenge.

I have grown up as a journalist in the strife which came to center stage in late 1989. I wanted to be a journalist, as at a distance it looked like a thrilling profession. My thoughts were of normal times and not based on the stories of bloodletting.

Sometimes, when provoked, I would have second thoughts, but at the same time, the experiences of the new day would hold me back.

"Why you cannot switch over to a normal job. It is hard to see you in the center of trouble," one of my close relatives asked me when I came home with my bandaged arm and limping leg. I was beaten by the security forces while covering an incident in a central Kashmir township on a sunny May day. I had nothing to say. In Kashmir the journalist is in the eye of storm from all sides.

Early days of militancy were too tough. If a press release by a militant group would not carry the meaning in the paper, it was hard to convince its leaders. The covering note would always carry a threat (in words) and sometimes it would translate into reality.

And that was not far away but happened in early 1990 when a local editor was gunned down by "unknown assassins." His death is still a mystery, like 11 others, who paid their lives for us, but his editorial comment was seen as the immediate provocation.

A journalist in Kashmir has failed to keep the warring sides happy. If an atrocity by security forces is reported, he may be dubbed as "anti- national" and highlighting the misdeeds of militants or extra-political activities of separatists would mean that he is "anti-tehreek" (anti-movement). A sword hanging over his head in both cases.

The killings in the initial days had a strong impact on my mind but with the passage of time, it started changing. I found myself stronger in taking the lead to have a look at a row of 17 dead bodies shrouded in coffins after a military-militant standoff.

But it certainly would change into tears, when a young photo journalist was crying after a parcel bomb exploded in his hands. Within minutes, it was blood all over. He died after three days in hospital.

Again, in August 2000, I had a close shave. A devastating car bomb exploded just near my office. I rushed, saw my coulleagues already on the spot. It was just a reprise of terror stories I had been reporting for a decade.

Before I could move ahead, a deafening sound threw another lot of bodies towards the road. A dismembered human body dangling from an electric pole, dripping blood was not another civilian for me but a visiting photo journalist from New Delhi. He was a friend of mine from Hindustan Times. I had met him an hour ago and could not believe him becoming the theme of yet another gory picture.

"I could have been there," I asked myself. This was the new phase in reporting Kashmir. The deadly suicide bombing started taking a new toll.

In Kashmir, every scribe has a story to tell. Yusuf Jameel, a well-respected journalist who was working with BBC and Reuters, escaped several times. The parcel bomb that claimed Mushtaq's life was meant for him. His office was attacked with grenades. Threat was a permanent feature of his life. He was awarded an International Press Freedom award by New-York-based Committee to Protect Journalists.

Habib Naqash is a photo journalist, who has made a record of not missing a single incident in which journalists were beaten by either side.

Things have not stopped as yet. Last year a young reporter survived an attack in his office. Doctors said it was a miracle how he is leading a normal life. Bullets pierced through his nose but the nervous system skipped. The last victim so far was Parvaz Sultan, editor of a local news agency, who was gunned down in his office, apparently for reporting a feud between the two factions of a militant group.

I am unable to recall the trauma when a group of journalists was taken hostage in South Kashmir by a pro-government militant outfit - Ikhwan. I was among five, who were locked up in a room and the "self styled commander" of the group thundered, "I want bodies of these five tomorrow." We came out safely, but it was unbelievable.

For a small community of journalists (not more than 100 people) to lose 11 members is a big price. And it is difficult to exist with recurrent, harassment, and intimidation. But amid the daily grind of violence, life goes on, of course with a difference. It is stressful and sleep is difficult. Who knows about tomorrow?

Shujaat is a visiting journalist from the Kasmir region of India. He works as a special correspondent for The Hindu, an English national daily newspaper in India. . A journalist with 13 years of experience, he covers the conflict in Kasmir, where the current round of violence started in 1989 and has consumed over 70,000 lives so far.

He is visiting America as part of the World Press Institute, based in St. Paul. He recently spent a week in Paynesville visiting a local farm and a smalltown media outlet.

Sunday, August 31, 2008

Among the Fidayeen

News: In Kashmir, in November 2000, the author was detained by Jihadi militants for one terrifying -- and instructive -- night.

September 13, 2004


THEY BREATHE LIKE us, eat like us, sleep like us, perhaps dream like us as well. The only difference is that they know exactly when they will stop living. In the mysterious world of Fidayeens, where young men shun their names, their past lives, even the urge to live, death is not uncertain; it is planned.

And these six men are ticking bombs.

There is little light in the room as they enter. Six shadows. They drop their Kalashnikovs and fold the shoulder stands that hold them, each fold a metallic click, and the room resonates with strange sounds. I first glimpse them in the dim light of a lone candle. The pouches packed with grenades and bullets, tied to their chests, are carefully unzipped and placed on the patij –- a carpet woven of dry grass. Their faces, to the extent I dare glance at them, seem strangely blank.

The man –- our "host" -– who led us into this room returns with blankets and pillows. He places a kerosene lamp on the floor as far as possible from the little window that opens onto the road. No light is to seep through to the pitch darkness outside. Light attracts attention, and that is the last thing he wants tonight. The two-story mud-and-brick house sits right next to a lane and occasionally Indian army men out on a night patrol take this route through the village. Our host leaves again, closing the door behind him soundlessly. It’s calm in here –- the calm of a graveyard.

This room holds six men, armed with guns and grenades and ready, even eager, to die. The Indian army camp is just a mile-and-a-half away. Hundreds of Indian troops patrol these villages, often in their camouflage uniforms, looking for Islamic militants. If even one of those soldiers gets the slightest hint of the presence of militants here, the story that will follow has no suspense. I have seen it repeated across the villages of Kashmir for years. Hundreds of guns will be aimed at this house waiting for the first light of dawn. Perhaps, with luck, our host and his family might be allowed a safe passage. Maybe even I will make it out somehow. But nobody will be able to stop the bloody gun battle to come.

These boys have been conditioned by a creed of extremist Islam that doesn’t have the word "surrender" in its lexicon, and the army men seldom take Jihadi prisoners anyway. There will be a few more bodies to join the 70,000 already consumed in the daily fighting between the separatist militants and the Indian security forces for the past 14 years, and a pile of debris will be the only reminder that a house existed here. The bodies will be taken to the local army camp where they will be displayed along with the half-burnt Kalashnikovs and other pieces of weaponry before newspaper photographers and TV cameramen. Then the bodies will be handed over to the village elders, who will silently arrange for the burial in their local martyr’s graveyard. The epitaphs will say "na maloom" (identity not known). The "host" will immediately be picked up by the army for questioning. If he is lucky, he will be released soon, but it’s quite possible that he will spend the next two years in prison for "harboring terrorists." Within a few days even the villagers will forget about this incident because it will be repeated somewhere else nearby. That will be all.

The men are in a remarkably relaxed mood. Four lie with their eyes closed. One silently reads a pocket-sized booklet with a dark green cover –- it must be a Koran -- holding it firmly in his hands, his head rocking to the rhythm of his moving lips. Another, by the kerosene lamp, rubs his rifle with white cotton. His deadly belongings: egg-shaped Chinese grenades, a little radio communication set, and dozens of bullets, their deep brown metal shining like trendy lipsticks arranged in a cosmetics showroom. He’s so busy cleaning that once in a while, when the mouth of the barrel swings around to face me, he hardly notices, but shivers run down my spine. I slowly inch back, hoping he will not sense my fear. All of a sudden, he looks up, directly into my eyes, and smiles reassuringly. "Don’t worry," he says in Urdu. "It is not loaded. It’s safe." This is the first time since we entered the room that someone has spoken.

I take a deep breath. It’s a great relief. I’m trying hard to be brave -- which means simply to act normal. I have seen Kashmiri militants. I have, in fact, grown up with many of them. But these men are not Kashmiri. They are Fidayeens and belong to one of the two Jihadi organizations, Lashkar-e-Toiba or Jaish-e-Mohammad, who recruit their cadre across the Muslim world from Sudan to Algeria, Chechnya to Pakistan.

I am not here by choice. I haven’t joined the militants, nor been abducted at gunpoint, nor is it a journalistic adventure. I had choices of sorts -– two of them actually -- and this, in the split second I had to decide, seemed the better one.


THE STORY BEGINS in a small hamlet less than a mile away where I was born and spent the first two decades of my life in a two-story brick and stone home. When the first separatist violence erupted in Kashmir in 1990, our village found itself at the forefront of a war between Kashmiri militants, supported by neighbouring Pakistan, and Indian security forces. Its geographical proximity to the Line of Control –- the de facto border dividing Kashmir between India and Pakistan -- turned my village into a transit route for militants, who had established base camps in Pakistani-controlled Kashmir. Soon violent encounters between the militants and Indian security forces became a daily routine and fear forced my family to shift 40 miles to Srinagar -- the capital city of Kashmir -- which was considered a comparatively safer place.

On one pretext or another, however, I have continued to visit my childhood home. Today’s return, in November 2000, came after an absence of almost a year. I was to stay with a relative, meet friends, take a walk around.

The bus from Srinagar takes two to five hours -- depending on the mood of the soldiers manning the checkpoints -- to cover the 40 miles to Papchan, where I hike a mile up hill along the banks of Arin nallah –- a fresh water stream -- to reach my village. The bus continues another three miles to Bandipore, the largest town on the Indian side of the Line of Control, the mountain ridges where in 1947 the warring armies of India and Pakistan stopped, exhausted. Three wars, a continuing separatist rebellion already 14-years old, tens of thousands of deaths, and 57 years of hostility, and still this line slices Kashmir like a loaf of bread.

By the time I make it to my village exhausted, the sun is about to set. I dump my bag at a relative’s house and rush out to find friends before darkness sets in. There are no telephones in most of rural Kashmir and so the custom of setting up appointments does not exist. There are only two ways to meet people: you either knock on doors, and if you’re lucky you’ll find them home, or you run into them on the road or by the stone embankment of the Arin nallah, where villagers huddle together in groups to gossip. But all this can happen only during the day. The insurgency has brought with it a cardinal code of conduct –- an unwritten rule -– that puts life on hold across rural Kashmir as soon as the sun sets.

Engrossed in a chat with a school friend I’ve run into, I don’t even sense the darkness enveloping us. It is cold and deceptively peaceful by the Arin nallah.

When we stand to say goodbye, it is already pitch dark and I still have half a mile to go to reach my relative's house. Barely on my way, I hear footsteps, then a series of metallic clacks as Kalashnikov-wielding men on the other side of the street pull open the shoulder stands of their guns. A moment of silence; then one of them shouts. "Who is it?" in Urdu, which immediately identifies the men as foreign militants, most probably from Pakistan. Sick with fear, I inch toward them, my hands high in the air. By now, my eyes have adapted to the darkness, and I can make out at least three guns pointed directly at me. Soon I hear a familiar voice asking me in Kashmiri –- the local language -- what I’m doing out so late. It’s the man from a neighbouring village who will become our "host." Like me, he has been stopped on the road.

"He is from here and I know him," he tells the militants before I can open my mouth. The tension eases a bit as two of them consult in whispers. I can’t catch a thing. I stand still –- after all, those guns are still aimed my way. It’s difficult to breathe. Finally, one of them speaks.

I have two choices, he tells me gruffly. I can leave, but if somehow their presence in my neighbour’s house –- their hideout till the next evening –- is discovered by the army, I will be held responsible; or I can accompany them and face the risk they face for a night and a day. In that moment of panic, the option of accompanying them seems wiser.

The militants follow one rule religiously while roaming rural Kashmir: they change their hideouts only after dusk and, unless they plan to attack an Indian security force target, do not emerge till the next evening. So I know I’m stuck for a minimum of 22 hours.

Once at the house, the host starts preparing dinner. "Can you please arrange some hot water? We need to pray," one of the men says to him.

The host reappears half-an-hour later to announce that the water is ready. A militant stands up and follows him. Then one by one, the host guides each of us to the bathroom. When my turn comes, I find myself alone with the host for a few minutes.

"Be calm, everything will be okay," he literally mumbles the words in a whisper. "Nobody has seen us coming here."

"Is there a way we could inform my relatives? They have no idea why I didn’t return." But even as I say it, I know it’s impossible.

"We need to wait till morning. Let us hope everything goes well," he advises.

In the bathroom, I follow the ritualistic steps of ablution, though I’m aware that I can’t quite remember the proper sequence. In Islam there is a prescribed order to the way you wash your body parts during ablutions for prayer. Though I haven’t prayed for years, tonight it suddenly feels compulsory.

I reenter the room to discover that the men have already arranged a blanket like a prayer mat and are set to start the fifth and last prayer of the day. I feel drained. I simply want to lie down, but that’s not an option. They assume I am a Muslim, and shirking prayers will certainly be an offense.

A militant with a long black beard arranges his cap and leads the prayers. He has sharp features -– a long nose, dense eyebrows, and black eyes shining in the dim light -– and I have no doubt that he is the leader of the group. He is clad in baggy trousers and a long shirt made of thick cotton cloth, topped by a dark blue sweater. Everything else he wears is black. The other men, who line up with me, are similarly attired.

I look around. One of the men has not joined us; he is sitting next to the window, holding his gun, standing guard while we pray. The prayers take no more than 15 minutes, and the young bearded fidayeen who leads us barely pitches his voice above a whisper. Now duwa (the incantation seeking God’s blessing at the end of the prayer) begins. It is very unusual. With hands in the air, the men shiver as they sit on the prayer mat and seek God’s blessing. Their voices rise. "God Almighty! Keep us firm on our feet and in our promise to sacrifice ourselves in your way. We have chosen martyrdom to all worldly comforts; please help us to keep ourselves on the right path." The leader prays for determination, and the others join him, repeating his words with passion. When he pauses, the room resonates with "amen". The duwa, I recall, generally involved praying for peace, life, and good health. But these men have different ideas about life. In fact, their entire philosophy revolves around death.

As we rise I catch smiles. Praying with them has made a difference. I curl up in a corner and we all watch as the lone guard takes his turn at prayers. The leader now addresses me. "Brother," he says, "I am Asad. What’s your name" I pronounce my Arabic name -- the title of a verse in the Koran -- as correctly as I can.

One of the militants takes out a tiny Walkman, though it isn’t music he is about to listen to. Other than drums, music is prohibited in orthodox Islam. Instead, he plays taped Koranic verses, passing the Walkman around so that others too, I guess, can catch especially apt passages. Our host returns. Dinner is ready. The men sit down as he spreads a dastarkhan before them. In Kashmir, dinner is generally served on the floor and the dastarkhan serves as a tablecloth. I help him bring in the rice heaped on two large copper plates. The host has done everything possible to make this dinner a feast. Not able to go to the market, he has cooked whatever is available in his house –- three vegetable dishes, hard-boiled eggs, even a chicken.

As we eat, one of the men again sits by the window, his hand fixed on a gun. The tradition is to eat by hand -- specifically the right hand -– but before the men pick up the first morsel, they raise their hands and recite a Koranic verse. I recall my mother telling me to begin any meal by saying "Bismillah" which means, "I start with the name of Allah." These men recite a full prayer instead. Even dinner has a theological dimension. Though I am hungry, I eat slowly and carefully, for the meal has suddenly taken on the feel of a sacramental rite. I sense that in their dangerous world, every meal is a last supper.

Dinner takes half an hour. Asad now calls the guard to eat. Another of the militants rises, rushes to wash his hands, and takes his place at the window.

Now Asad raises his hands and murmurs another prayer. Everyone follows suit. Asad thanks Allah for providing the men with food. The "host" is even mentioned in the prayer.

Two of the men are pacing, while others wrapped in blankets lean their heads on the fat pillows. Asad is smiling, which encourages me to say something. He actually changes his posture, making room for me to sit next to him. "The food was nice," I comment, an innocuous beginning to a conversation.

"Yeah, it was good. We hadn’t eaten properly for three days. It was a good meal."

"Why? Have you been up in the mountains?" I ask.

He smiles again. "We’ve been around for some time. We crossed over a while ago," he says, hinting that he’s aware of my curiosity. "But yes, we were up in the mountains. We generally keep away from villages closer to the roads."

As he talks, my comfort zone expands. "I believe you are from Pakistan?"

"Yes most of us are from Pakistan."

Now the other men join in. A circle forms. Everyone is listening. Asad is succinct in his replies, so I try a more open-ended question. "How do you assess the situation here now?"

He pauses, shifting postures. "For us, the situation hardly matters. We are soldiers and this is Jihad. We don’t care." The other men nod their heads in agreement.

There is a silence and Asad looks at me, perhaps trying to gauge my reaction. Suddenly, he asks what I do. I’m hesitant to tell him I’m a journalist, working for an Indian newspaper, fearing he and his men might view me with distrust. But there’s no way to avoid a reply. "I write. I write for a newspaper," I say stumbling over the words. I’m thinking of lying about the name of my newspaper. Frozen, I can’t even seem to make one up. But before he can ask any other thing, the host reappears with a pile of bedding. We all rise to help him to spread the mattresses in one side of the room. I’m relieved, even elated, when Asad says, "It’s late. It’s time to go to bed, let’s talk tomorrow."

There are not enough quilts, so a few of us have to manage with thin blankets in the chill. I take a pillow and lie down in a corner wrapping a blanket around me. The man on guard lifts the glass on the kerosene lantern and blows out its flame. Nobody says good night. I close my eyes. My teeth chatter, but not from the winter chill. I have put on a good act, good enough to fool myself these last hours, but now alone in the dark, I discover I am terrified. My mind obsessively cycles through the worst possible scenarios –- the news of our presence reaching the neighbouring security force camp. I can't stop thinking about the live explosives scattered around me in the room. I am literally in bed with death. The calm and silence of the night seem fragile indeed. But I am tired of fear too. I try to sleep.

The day begins well before dawn. It’s around 4 am when the men start murmuring, waking each other up. Time to get ready for early-morning prayers. I don’t remember the last time I woke up so early or so cold. The kerosene lantern is already lit and Asad sits on the floor fiddling with the radio transmitter.

A man’s croaky voice whispers from it, but I can’t make sense of the words. Two of the men stretch and yawn. Another, standing in the corner, wipes his eyes with his hands, struggling to keep them open. We can hear azaan (the Muslim call for prayer) from a distant mosque loudspeaker.

The morning prayers are brief. Two men bury themselves under blankets and drop back to sleep. I am amazed. For these men, today could be the last day and still they want to sleep. How do they make sense of it all? They don’t seem to hate life. They don’t look depressed. Nothing I have yet seen indicates suicidal tendencies. So how do they live every moment in anticipation of a violent death?

I feel an urgent need to send a word to my relatives. Asad seems to read my thoughts. "Is everything okay?" he asks.

"I’m a bit worried, my relatives must be wondering where I vanished." He doesn’t react, which is all the answer I need. Instead, he looks at my black leather coat. "Nice jacket. Where did you get it from?"

"Do you like nice clothes?’" I ask.

He smiles. "I love leather. I used to study in Lahore. When I left, in 12th grade, I had a small group of friends and we all had black leather jackets. I even had leather trousers."

"When did you leave home?"

Just the year before, he tells me. "I did appear for my final exams, but I had already joined the Jihad along with three other college friends. We were called for training within three months, and now I’m here."

"Why did you join?" I ask.

"Why? Is an explanation needed?" he replies. I can feel an edge of sarcasm in his tone. I am a Muslim, a Kashmiri, and I live in Kashmir. I am an inseparable part of his story and I am supposed to know the answer. "This is Jihad. We all have joined to fight for the cause of Allah. This war is to liberate the believers from the clutches of those who do not believe in Him. We have chosen to sacrifice our lives in His way." His voice has flattened. He might as well be reading from a script.

I sense I’ve stepped on the wrong path. I want to get back to his personal life, but my reportorial self melds into an onrushing wave of anxiety and in a single awkward gulp I burst out. "Don’t you miss your parents, your friends, your villages? Why don’t you want to live?"

There is an odd, awkward silence and then one of Asad’s men reacts. "Are we not human beings?" he asks.

Asad chips in. "Of course we miss our parents, our friends, our brothers and sisters. We do. But we understand Allah’s call. Hundreds of thousands of Muslims die after spending their entire lives earning two meals and other meager comforts. And it’s all so useless. Death in the way of the cause gives meaning to life."

As he pauses, another of his men picks up the conversation. I’ve overheard the others call him Junaid and I have no doubt that it is no more his real name than Asad’s is Asad. Once such men join the ranks of a militant group, they adopt a new name. It evidently gives them a sort of comforting anonymity. At times, the name they choose is inherited like a rank, a position in the organization, one suicidal name passing on, like an honour, to someone new and worthy. "It’s Jihad and nothing else," Junaid says.

But is that truly enough to drive them to participate in missions from which the chances of returning alive are so slim? Of course, it is. I know that. Such "suicide missions" occur on a daily basis across Kashmir, but here in this room they’ve suddenly become more than statistics. The Islamic militants in Kashmir don’t like to call their "death projects" suicides, because killing oneself is prohibited in Islam. In fact, even Al-Qaida or the Palestinian militant groups like Hamas and Islamic Jihad avoid defining their suicide bombings as suicides for the same reason and rather prefer to call such deaths as "martyrdom." But in Kashmir, the Islamic groups go a step further; they reject exploding bombs fitted to their bodies, preferring to go in for daredevil raids against Indian security force posts where the chances of escaping alive are remote to nil. They will, for instance, burst into an Indian Army camp, lob grenades and fire indiscriminately, and then hole up inside a building till they get killed. They call themselves Fidayeens –- "those who are ready to sacrifice" –- and speak of their raids as "martyrdom missions."

"We believe in life after death," Asad responds. "We know we are laying down our lives for a holy cause, and we have a firm belief that martyrs will go to heaven. Martyrdom," he adds, quoting the Koran from memory, is the real purpose of the life of a Momin [a pious Muslim]."

"But why can’t you live for your holy cause?" I ask.

"We sacrifice our lives so that others live freely. We choose to give up our today for everybody’s tomorrow," he says.

Asad now decides to offer me more of his politics. "The aim of our fight is not just to liberate Kashmir, but to merge it with Pakistan and create a pure Islamic state, run strictly under Islamic laws." He stresses every word. "Muslims of the world are one nation, and there has to be only one country."

How do you choose who is to go on these missions?

"It is simple. The commanders choose a group and then we draw lots. The men who are picked are the lucky ones." In fact, he assures me, his militant group holds a special ceremony before every attack to choose members of the next "martyrdom" mission. "It’s the greatest honour."

Now Junaid chips in with enthusiasm. "We prefer to do it in a mosque. Amir [the commander] of that particular area writes the names of all the men on small pieces of paper and then asks one of them to pick three, four or five, whatever the number needed," he explains. "It’s a special ceremony. The Fidayeens take showers, perfume themselves, and, if they have new clothes, they wear them. After the names are finalized, shireeni [a kind of sweet] is distributed and all pray together." The details of the mission are however kept secret. "Even the chosen Fidayeens are given the final details at the last minute."

Secrecy is an essential part of the lives of these men. They lose their names and their identities as individuals, becoming invisible as soon as they join the group, and then they fight and die anonymously. "How do your families – your parents – react?" I ask.

"There is hardly anybody who seeks permission," Asad says. "Parents won’t grant permission. They will rather prevent us from joining the Jihad. There are a few exceptions, but generally parents don’t want to even understand it."

His own parents learned that he has, in essence, decided to die without his even seeing them again. "I left a letter for them with a friend. And I spoke to them after I arrived here three four months later. I actually called them from here. Ammi (mom) cried a lot. I, too, couldn’t hold back my tears. But now it is okay."

Asad’s eyes are moist. "I miss her a lot at times," he says.

Almost everyone in the room is wiping their eyes, and these fanatical "holy warriors" look like nothing more than boys who miss their mothers.

One of the men -– Mohsin -– writes a journal entry every evening. A skinny, tall boy with thick black eyebrows, he seems too young to have the full beard he sports. He is shy, so it is Junaid who tells me about Mohsin’s adventures with the pen. I ask him what he’s been writing. He searches his bag and hands me a little notebook –- a thick pocket-sized writing pad with a black leather cover. "I don’t write about the movement. It is a risk. So I generally scribble down my own thoughts," he says in a low voice.

I begin to leaf through the pages, glancing at random passages in a beautifully written calligraphic Urdu. He seems to enjoy writing his journal, perhaps to keep himself busy in evenings that are always both empty and full of dangers. And he has clearly been thinking about his family all the time. One page catches my eye and I seek his permission to copy it. He laughs with embarrassment. I find a piece of paper in my pocket but I am not carrying a pen and so he lends me his which he takes from his pouch of explosives.

Here is what he wrote: "I don’t know whether they will ever know where my grave is. But I will meet them in heaven inshallah [God willing]. We are like travelers. This world is like an inn and we know it is not our final destination. We arrive here at the time of our birth. We live, and our stay in this world is temporary, like a traveler who takes a break for a night in a roadside inn and then goes ahead. Our final destination is the next world where we go for an eternal life.

"The traveler does not forget his destination to enjoy his stay in the inn. Similarly, we need to prepare for our final destination while we are alive. We are promised to meet with our loved ones on the judgment day. Our mothers who gave birth to us, our fathers who took care of us, our brothers and sisters -– our wives and our children -– all will be proud of us that day. So we should not let anything distract us from the righteous path -– the path of Allah. We may not live, but we will make this world a better place for others."

Mohsin has also been writing down his dreams. "I dreamt about my mother last night. I was sitting in a garden of flowers when she arrived. She hugged me. She asked me how I was and told me everybody at home is proud of me. I think it is a naveed [a message] from Allah that I will receive her in paradise. I have chosen the path of martyrdom. There is nothing more beautiful than martyrdom -– the Koran says martyrs don’t die, they are alive but we don’t understand."

Mohsin is 19 and is the youngest in the group, who are all under 30. I flip through his journal and as I am about to close it, I see a few lines from an Urdu love song –- sung by a famous Pakistani ghazal singer – on the last page. I’m about to enquire about it but he winks at me –- his face brightened by a smile. He seems embarrassed and clearly doesn’t want it mentioned in front of the entire group.

I close the journal, return it silently, and then ask him whether his mother knew about his plans to become a militant. "She had an idea. I talked to her about it. I couldn’t convince her. It is difficult to convince mothers," he says. "They don’t understand what it means to join the Jihad. But I know one day she will be proud to be my mother."


THERE IS A KNOCK on the door and the host enters. I look at my wristwatch. I can’t believe it’s already 1 pm. We’ve been talking for hours. I hear the host asking Asad whether they would like to have lunch now or later. "It is already 1 pm and it’s time for the prayers," he says and stands up to follow the host to the bathroom. These men are very particular not to leave the room without his company and I understand why. Their orthodox belief involves the total segregation of men and women. To run into a woman from the household alone would be a sin.

After an hour of prayers, we sit for the lunch. It’s late afternoon and the sky is cloudy. I hear music –- a villager walking by with a transistor radio. I haven’t heard the news since yesterday. These men don’t read newspapers, watch television, or even listen to the radio. Asad looks at his wristwatch. "You can go in an hour," he says. I know he is waiting for the evening, when it is dark and there are no people on the streets.

There is silence in the room. Soon I see Asad’s men getting ready –- they strap on their pouches, don their jackets. Everybody now awaits Asad’s word. The host, too, is sitting with us. "It was good to meet you," Asad says addressing me formally. "Please pray for us." I know it is time to leave. I stand up. We shake hands and I say goodbye. I step into a drizzling rain. The road is dark and deserted.


Postscript: Since I met these six men, in November 2000, I have tried to follow every suicide attack in Kashmir, scanning the faces of the militants at the places where they died, checking the pictures of the bodies of Fidayeens in newspapers. But I’ve never seen them again. Perhaps, I missed that particular series of photos. For I have no doubt that they are dead.

Muzamil Jaleel is a Srinagar-based journalist with the Indian Express.

Courtesy: Mother Jones

http://www.motherjones.com/news/update/2004/09/09_406.html

The pain of a lonely mother

The pain of a lonely mother
Muzamil Jaleel
Posted online: February 04, 2007 at 1608

A rusty chain link shuts the mite-eaten wooden door. The knock is not answered. "She won’t," a neighbour says and points towards the pale light of a candle flickering from a little window-pane.

Srinagar, February 4: A rusty chain link shuts the mite-eaten wooden door. The knock is not answered. "She won’t," a neighbour says and points towards the pale light of a candle flickering from a little window-pane. "But she is there. It’s already evening and she has nowhere else to go." He asks us to follow and shouts loudly several times as he takes us around into the backyard of her house. She peeps through a window, and without asking any questions, goes to open the door. We find her sitting in a tiny room, its mud walls painted blue like a Sufi shrine, in a corner of her large three-story run down house.

Deep inside Habba Kadal, where streets run like a crawling snake through a cluster of housing blocks, even the buzz of this dense downtown locality does not break the silence in Mughli’s lonely world. She is nearly deaf and never listens to the knocks on her door. For years, there have been no visitors, particularly after the sundown. One morning – she says it was first September of the first tehreek (militant struggle) several years ago - her teacher son Nazir Ahmad Teli left for school. She never saw him again – she never did - and Mughli became on of the first members of a tragic club of several thousands women whose young sons or husbands have disappeared, majority of them after being picked up by police or security forces. Bonded by a mutual pain and a shared tale, the group Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) says 10,000 men have disappeared since a counter-insurgent assault began in the valley in1990.

Mughli – who doesn’t remember her age – says the shock broke her back. "He was born after my husband divorced me. I had no one. I didn’t marry again and raised him. He was the only reason for my life," she says. "He had never stayed away from home – not even for a single night. Each day he would return from school and give me a hug. I am still waiting. I wish to hug him once. If they tell me he is dead, I would hug his grave. I don’t know what happened to him and this pain, this uncertainty is unbearable."

She takes off her thick glasses and wipes off her tears with the corner of her shawl. "Every time I tell this story I feel as if I rind my wounds – as if a sharp knife is dipped in my wound again," she says, her face looks like the decaying lattice work in the windows of her rumpled house. "These walls are my only companion and they don’t ask anything." She wails in murmurs, her words inaudible. Where did you search for him? "I waited and waited for him that evening. When the sun went down and it was dark, I knew something is wrong. He would always come straight to home after his work," she recalls. "I felt my heart is sinking and I called my neighbours. They came and tried to console me till late in the night. I spent that night awake sitting on the window looking at the door – he didn’t return."

"As the dawn broke", she recalls, "I went to the police station. They asked many questions. I knew nothing so they took down my son’s name, his picture and our address and wrote a report, promising to come to my house with his news. They never came." Then, she says, someone told her she needs to go to 'bigger officers' to seek help. "I went everywhere. I went to every office in Batamaloo (J-K Police headquarters). I waited for hours outside the gate, pleading with the policemen to let me in. I put my 'pooch' (the head scarf) on their (officers) feet. They would listen and then say they don’t know anything."

Mughli looks around, pushes her hands to the floor and stands up. Then she searches through a cardboard box and takes out a photograph of her son– a black and white picture of a man who looks around 30. For days, Mughli says, she would leave home in the morning and walk to Lalchowk (Srinagar’s city centre). "I would stop people on the road and show them my son’s photo, hoping someone will tell me he saw him," she recalls.

She says she even visited politicians. "Nobody helped. Nobody told me whether he is alive or dead," she says. "Each one of them (in the government) promised to help me in my search. And my hope is alive." She also filed a petition in the court. "My case is still going on. But there is no progress."

Now a neighbour had told her about the recent expose of a carpenter Abdul Rehman Padroo from a South Kashmir village, who had disappeared after being picked up by Ganderbal Police in Srinagar, shot dead, dubbed as a Pakistani militant and buried in a graveyard in Sumbal. "My heart started sinking again. I feel my son too is lying in an anonymous grave somewhere," she says. "I felt the pain of that family (carpenter Padroo’s family). They are still lucky to find out he (their son) has been killed. At least, they could give their son a decent burial."

In fact, Association of Parents of Disappeared which was set up to search their missing wards together has now turned into just a group catharsis - where the families of the disappeared meet, share their common stories and help each other to cope with the constant trauama.

And apart from the recent Padroo case where his mobile phone exposed a network of policemen led by a Superintendent of Police who had killed five villagers from remote villages in South Kashmir in fake encounters and Pathribal fake encounter where five villagers were killed in March, 2000 after being dubbed as Pakistani militants by army and police, there have been just half a dozen cases where the families were able to locate their missing son’s buried after being killed as foreign militants in fake encounters.

"I heard there are many more such graves in Sumbal," Mughli says. "Do you think there is a way I can find out?". But then she murmurs as if answering her own query. "Even if he is dead, I cannot recognize him (her son) after so many years. There would be nothing left of his body." She starts sobbing and her tears have wet her glasses. "I don’t go to meet anybody now. I drag myself to the shrine and pray almost everyday. It makes me feel lighter."

Mughli’s life, in fact, has been full of tragedies. She says she was divorced by her husband just three months after her marriage and when her son Nazir Ahmad Teli was born, she decided to dedicate her life to him. "He (her former husband) abandoned him (Teli) too. This is my father’s house and I came to live here, my son too was born here. Then he died. I had one sister, she too died few years ago," she says. "I have few relatives but they are busy with their own lives. Who will have time for this old woman."

And as the night falls, the room looks like a cave in the corner of a large dark house. There is a knee height wooden panel dividing a traditional hearth where few aluminum pots lie around a gass stove. "This house was once full of people. Now it is empty," she says. "This was our kitchen. Now it is everything for me– I eat here, sleep here, and pray here. For days I fall asleep while sitting – drowned in my own thoughts."

Mughli says she has never gone upstairs since her son went missing. "His room is there. And that day I had arranged his things and cleaned the room. I could never have the courage to go there again. It is locked."

She once tried to commit suicide as well. "One afternoon, I was thinking about him (her son’s). I was thinking about his marriage – about a daughter-in-law and grand children and I felt there is nothing left in my life," she recalls. "I left home and went straight to the bridge (on Jehlum river which flows nearby) and was about to jump when shopkeepers saw me. They consoled me and then brought me back home. Perhaps I didn’t also wanted to die – perhaps God has sent me to this world to suffer alone."

With a choked voice, she wails as if she is reciting a poem about loneliness. "Once I was little princess – God had given me a diamond, my son – Why did you give me a son, if you were to take him away," she says, her empty gaze stuck on the flickering candle. "One day I thought it is already over and gave up. Then I heard about a boy who returned home after being missing for 12 long year’s. He was in seventh grade when he disappeared. He told them (his family), he was in a jail. Now he is a young man," she says. "This gave me hope – may be he is alive somewhere in a jail and will return before my death."

She says her son comes in her dreams. "He (her son) calls me in the dream. He tells me he is alive."

This story of the return of a missing man seems to be just a dream of hope of a desperate mother who too wants her missing son to return alive. Nobody in her neighbourhood knows about it. But the bodies of five missing men from remote South Kashmir villages exhumed from graves miles away from their home – where they lied buried as Pakistani militants – is no nightmare of their families but a harsh reality.

Courtesy: Express India,Srinagar Bureau

http://www.kashmirlive.com/latest/The-pain-of-a-lonely-mother/80799.html