Saturday, January 26, 2013

Playback Artistes’ Pratfalls


 
When talk turns to Indo-Pak tension, Indian TV is lost in a cloud of foamy blether. Its Pakistani guests are fed up.



The Indian electronic media has it easy. The Pakistan government allows it to broadcast and telecast live footage from Pakistan. However, the courtesy is not returned by New Delhi. Pakistani broadcasters have to record footage from India before they are telecast back home, and special permission has to be taken from the Indian government for telecasting live from India.
Over the past few years, there has also been mounting disgruntlement amongst leading Pakistani journalists and experts in other fields—‘guests’ at current affairs shows on Indian news television—about how the Indian media contrives to ‘trap’ them into a situation where they rarely get a chance to get their views across. These Pakistani visitors to the hurly-burly of Indian TV ask why an otherwise professional Indian media bursts into a concerted blast of jingoism whenever ‘reporting’ a controversial issue related to India-Pakistan bilateral relations?
Many experts that Outlook approached amidst the virulent tension along the LoC have regularly been contributing to the India media, but admit that, given the  recriminatory tone of their callers, they are avoiding telephone calls from New Delhi. While pointing out that some Indian television anchors and print editors stand out for their professionalism, they say such competence is rather the exception.

 

 

‘I avoid most requests, for I can’t stoop to the Indian anchors’ level of journalism...they say when tempers rise in the studios, it’s good TV. I’ve also walked out....’Hamid Mir, Journalist, Geo TV

 

 
“In my experience of so many years, I feel only comfortable with Prannoy Roy, who is a very sober anchor, but I generally avoid most of the requests that I get, because I simply cannot stoop to their level of journalism and their provocating manner,” says one of Pakistan’s leading journalists, Hamid Mir, host of the nightly Capital Talk on Geo TV. Mir tells Outlook that he has banged the phone down in the middle of a programme many a time, and has once walked out of a studio during a live transmission. “When I have argued with the Indian anchors to tone down, they tell me that when temperatures rise in the studios it is good television for them. Often, I have simply banged the phone down or walked out of the studio.”
The tone and tenor of recent Indian TV programmes after the alleged beheading and brutalisation of Indian soldiers by Pakistan army personnel on the Line of Control has shocked Pakistanis. The Indian media, it seems, simply lost its independent character and outdid, in unsavoury recrimination, anything spewed by parties like the Shiv Sena and the BJP. In comparison, South Block and the military spokespersons appeared meek and apologetic.

n a rare move for a PPP minister, Pakistan foreign minister Hina Rabbani Khar praised the Pakistani media for not going overboard on the LoC tension, and said she was ‘proud’ of them.
“What do we see today? We see three incidents across the LoC. We see war-mongering, which puts the last 60 years back into our memory. War-mongering coming in from the other side of the border which is, I thought, a thing of past, something we had put behind us,” Khar said at an event at the Asia Society in New York this week.

Anees Jillani, a senior attorney, is a frequent face on Indian television and occasionally pens an odd column for the Indian print media. “The Indians consider their media to be superior to that of Pakistan. However, when it comes to Indo-Pak relations, most of it appears to be a mouthpiece of the Indian foreign ministry, and seldom deviates from government policy. It creates a hype and then it becomes difficult, if not impossible, to disagree with the hype created by it,” Jillani tells Outlook. He says that due to the Indian media’s overbearing manner and devious spin, every Pakistani appearing on Indian TV or writing for an Indian publication is likely to be seen as an ISI agent.
“Any criticism of Indian policy is perceived as being dictated by the ISI. Indians fail to realise that Pakistani intelligence agencies do not like Pakistanis to interact with the Indian media. Period. The agencies are not interested in conveying their point of view to India. A Pakistani writing for an Indian publication is bombarded with hate mail and a Pakistani guest is held responsible for all policies of his government as if he or she alone represents 180 million people, and as if he is the director-general of ISI,” he adds.
Peaceniks and members of the liberal intelligentsia feel no different and appear just as fed up. Nusrat Javed, a leading television anchor and columnist, and president of South Asia Free Media Association (SAFMA) says, “Ninety per cent of the time I refuse to comment, because I know the studios were jammed with known hawks. Most senior Pakistani journalists don’t want to respond to their Indian colleagues, even though they have some excellent anchors.” An exasperated Javed says it seems Indian TV anchors forget that his comments are those of a journalist and do not represent the views of the Pakistani state. “I am not the foreign office spokesman,” he says.
“As a Pakistani I am not responsible for all that is wrong here,” Javed says resignedly. “Most of Pakistani mainstream journalists never backed the policies of previous military governments, in fact I have paid a price for it, and have been jailed. So why blame us?”
So discredited is the Indian media in the eyes of prominent journalists here that Javed says he sees that these days its high-octane programmes are left with lesser-known Pakistani journalists and faded personages.

 

 

‘There still appears to be a lot of ignorance about Pakistan fed by the Indian media. There is a close nexus between them and the Indian establishment.’Mushahid Hussain Syed, Secretary-General, PML(Q)

 

 
Peace activist Tahira Abdullah agrees with Javed. “As it  appears to progressive and secular Pakistanis, Indian TV channels have a very limited and objectionable line-up of Pakistani commentators. I find that I’m often teamed up with retired generals (aides to former military dictators, for example) whom no self-respecting Pakistani TV channel would ever care to invite to a show. It appears that Indian TV channels are still stuck in a time warp.” Senator Mushahid Hussain Syed, secretary-general of the PML(Q), has just returned from a trip to India and is aghast at the media’s temperament there.
“They have even gone as far as to freely use phrases like ‘Pakistani barbarism’. How can they paint the whole nation as barbaric? There appears to be still a lot of ignorance about Pakistan, a stereotyping of it, and their media contributes to this. There is a close nexus between the Indian media and the Indian government,” he tells Outlook.
“I can say that Gandhi and Nehru were great Indian leaders. But look what happened to Advani, who praised Jinnah. He lost his job as leader of the BJP,” adds Hussain.
Mir concurs: “The reason for this attitude is that Indians feel Pakistan is the enemy. In Pakistan we have moved on, and many label US as the enemy. Some moderate Indians are labelled as Pakistani agents. Jaswant Singh wrote a book on Pakistan and promptly got into trouble.”
Former ISI and MI chief Assad Durrani says he is relieved and happy when not asked to appear. “Except the odd anchor who would be an exception, they turn into hawks for their audience. They will get a couple of experts good at Pakistan-bashing. This one particular person has four or five lines which have served him well for 30 years. They unleash him and he cooks up some story. This is really weird. The nastiest chap will wrap up the show. Programme over, and I do not get a chance to add anything,” he says.
While there might be sections in the media here who would relish a strident slanging match with India’s bold Pak-baiters, Durrani and others represent the concerns of liberal-secular Pakistani journalism, people whom India’s rabid talking heads would do well not to antagonise.

By Mariana Baabar in Islamabad


.

Friday, January 25, 2013

Manik Sarkar, the frugal CM



Tripura CM Manik Sarkar

Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar can arguably be dubbed ‘the cleanest and poorest’ chief minister in the country with personal property, movable and immovable, valued at less than Rs 2.5 lakh.
According to the affidavit submitted by the 64-year-old Sarkar during filing of nomination in Dhanpur constituency on Thursday for the coming assembly elections, he had Rs. 1080 cash in hand and his bank balance stood at Rs. 9720.
The CPI(M) leader is aiming for a fourth consecutive term in the northeastern state.
He inherited a home of 432 sq. ft with a tin-shed house from his deceased mother Anjali Sarkar whose present market value was Rs 2,20,000.
However, his wife Panchali Bhattacharya who is a retired officer of the Central government has a cash fixed deposit of Rs 23,58,380 and jewellery of 20 gm of gold, the present market value of which is Rs 72,000. She has cash of Rs 22,015 in hand.
Her family sources said she had got the money as her retirement benefit.
The couple has no movable property and the total value of immovable property and cash is Rs. 24,52,395.
A state Committee member of the ruling CPI(M), Haripada Das, who looks after the accounts of the party said, like other party members, Mr. Sarkar donates his full salary and subsidiary allowances to the party and instead the party pays him Rs. 5000 as subsistence allowances.
According to official sources, the Chief Minister’s monthly salary is Rs 9,200 which, perhaps is the lowest in the country. When contacted, State Party Secretary Bijan Dhar said, “I can only say that he has no leaning for increasing his own personal property. He has dedicated his entire life for the party and people.”
Even his bitter critics do not blame him for any kind of corruptions.

A visa or a life

Rafia Zakaria

290-RIZANA_NAFEEK

Executions in Riyadh are usually carried out at 9:00 a.m. in the morning with a shining steel sword hovering over the white shrouded figure about to receive it. Rizana Nafeek’s execution is reported to have taken place a little later than usual, at 11:40 a.m. Saudi time. Perhaps there were other punishments to be carried out first, perhaps the executioner who always takes his position to the left of the condemned, right leg forward and left leg back, was delayed in some way. Perhaps there was not enough of a crowd, or too much of one. The dusty details of the mid-morning of January 9, 2013 when Rizana Nafeek’s thin, dark neck met the executioner’s sword are never likely to be known.
Rizana Nafeek was a poor Muslim girl from a small village in Eastern Sri Lanka. Like hundreds of thousands of sweaty, hungry others eager for a visa and a job with a rich family in Saudi Arabia, she came to work in the country so she could change with dirhams the cycle of poverty that enslaved her family. The visa-clutching, future-fearing Pakistani men at Riyadh or Jeddah Airport could tell you the same story; of middle men paid and houses put up for collateral, of sisters dowries and parents operations Rizana Nafeek, like so many of the men and women who come to Saudi Arabia to do the jobs Saudis will not do, came ready to do anything to get and then keep her visa. To fit the age requirements she lied on her passport, growing in the minutes it took to fill the form, six years older than she was. Blessed with a Saudi work visa, Rizana Nafeek, the village girl became Rizana Nafeek, the Saudi maid in the household of Naif Jiziyan Khalaf Al Qutaibi, spending her days, cooking, cleaning and caring for the family’s children
Based on the murky facts only those who have lied to live would understand, Rizana Nafeek was just 17 on that fated afternoon of May 22, 2005 when catastrophe struck. It was 12:30 p.m. and she was bottle feeding the baby boy in her care while the mother of the child was away. Suddenly she noticed milk oozing from the mouth and nose of the infant. A terrified Rizana tried to soothe the baby stroking its back and throat and neck but within minutes the infant’s eyes closed. Later doctor’s reports would say that the infant had probably already passed away from a possible internal blockage in the stomach when Rizana noticed the streaming milk.
The infant’s life would not be the only one lost. At around 1:30 p.m. when Rizana’s employer, returned she began beating Rizana with shoes and slippers accusing the teenage maid of having killed the baby and bloodying her during the beating. For three days, Rizana endured the harangues of her distraught employers and on May 25, 2005 she was arrested for having murdered the baby. At the police station in Dawadmi, she was beaten with a belt so that she would confess to having killed the baby. After several hours of being struck, she confessed to the killing. She was not allowed to see any attorneys or anyone from the Sri Lankan Consulate until she confessed. The confession was in Tamil and the man who recorded it barely knew the language and so wrote it down in Arabic. No postmortem was carried out on the deceased child to determine the cause of death.
In the years of captivity following her arrest, and the near immediate death sentence that was imposed on her, Rizana Nafeek would state again and again that her confession had been obtained under the impact of a severe beating, but the cries of a hapless maid and a motley of human rights groups were not enough to change the mind of the Saudi officials and, as is the case with all condemned to execution, the maid was enshrouded, led outside into the sun and killed with a single swipe of the executioner’s sword.
On January 16 2013, just a week after Rizana’s neck met the sword, Pakistani Arshad Mohammad was also beheaded by Saudi authorities in the Eastern province of Khubar. He had been convicted for smuggling drugs but as with Rizana Nafik’s case few details are available regarding the evidence or the conviction. Like Sri Lanka, Pakistan exports labor to Saudi Arabia and in our job hungry, utilitarian calculus that prioritises visas over justice, Pakistan almost never raises the thorny issue of the injustices poured on its hordes of iqama clutching migrant workers. The logic is simple, a worker with a visa is worth more than one with a gripe, and a few murdered maids or menservants are a small price to pay for solid Saudi jobs. Everyone else seems to agree and because of this, not much can be expected for the three Pakistanis currently awaiting execution in Saudi Arabia or the hundreds of others frightened and forgotten inside Saudi prisons. In the hardscrabble calculations of labor export, the worth of a Saudi visa is more than that of a migrant worker life.

Courtesy: http://dawn.com/2013/01/25/a-visa-or-a-life/
 

Rizana Nafeek: Mother forgives over Saudi beheading

Rafeena Nafeek  
Rafeena Nafeek has rejected any compensation from Saudi Arabia
The mother of a Sri Lankan domestic worker beheaded in Saudi Arabia has forgiven those who she says wanted her daughter executed.
Rafeena Nafeek said her daughter, Rizana, was innocent and was wrongfully convicted of killing a baby in 2005.
The Saudi government said that she could not be pardoned because the baby's parents wanted the punishment.
Documents show she was only 17 at the time of the killing and that her execution was a breach of child rights.
Rizana Nafeek's parents came to Colombo from their humble home in eastern Sri Lanka two weeks after the housemaid was executed.
A weeping Mrs Nafeek said she had forgiven the baby's parents who reportedly insisted on her daughter's beheading.
"There's no point in blaming anyone - Rizana has gone," she told the BBC's Azzam Ameen.
"We only got to know [about] her execution from the media. They [the Saudi authorities] should have at least told us about it.
"Even our request to get her body to Sri Lanka was refused."
The executed maid's family waited eight years to know her fate.
Trial 'a farce' Mrs Nafeek urged other impoverished families not to send their daughters for domestic work in Saudi Arabia or anywhere else.
Rizana Nafeek's passport Correspondents say that it appears that employment agents falsified Rizana Nafeek's age so that she could work in Saudi Arabia
Instead she said that they should educate their children, a wish that Rizana had expressed for her own young siblings before her death.
The BBC's Charles Haviland in Colombo says that it appears that the maid's passport was falsified to give her age as 23 when she went to Saudi Arabia - other documents said to be genuine show that in fact she was only 17 and therefore a child.
Soon afterwards a baby in her care died in what she said was a choking accident, but the Saudi courts said was strangulation.
Human rights groups said her trial was a farce as she had no translator and no lawyer until after being sentenced.
Mrs Nafeek has publicly rejected compensation money offered by Riyadh, saying she would not accept anything from "the country that killed my child".
However on Tuesday the Sri Lankan president handed the family a sum of $7,800 (£4,900) extended by the Foreign Employment Bureau.
Our correspondent says that Mrs Nafeek's wish for other girls not to go abroad may not easily come true - just this week two underage girls from the same area were apprehended trying to go to Saudi Arabia.
The government says that it wants to introduce a new law to increase the age limit to 25.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-21167277
 

Wednesday, January 23, 2013

ரிஸானா


Oleh: Arulezhilan
January 11, 2013

30-01-2007
அல் த்வாத்மி சிறைச்சாலை,
அல் தவாத்மி, சவுதி அரேபியா.

எனது உண்மையான வயது 19. நான் பிறந்த தேதி 02-02-1988. எனது வயது ஏஜெண்ட் அஜிர்தீன் என்பவரால் 02-02-1982 என மாற்றப்பட்டு எனக்காக கடவுச்சீட்டு வழங்கப்பட்டது. 01-04-2005-ல் நான் சவுதி அரேபியாவுக்கு வீட்டு வேலைக்காக வந்தேன். சுமார் ஒன்றரை மாதங்கள் ஒரு செல்வந்தரின் வீட்டில் வீட்டு வேலை செய்தேன். இந்த வீட்டில் சமைத்தல், பாத்திரங்களை கழுவுதல், நான்கு மாதக் குழந்தையைக் கவனித்துக் கொள்ளுதல் உள்ளிட்ட வேலைகளை நான் பார்த்து வந்தேன்.

குறித்த சம்பவம் நடந்த தினம் எனக்கு நினைவில் இல்லை. அது ஒரு ஞாயிற்றுக் கிழமை பகல் 12-30 மணியிருக்கும். அப்போது யாரும் வீட்டில் இருக்கவில்லை. நான் மட்டுமே இருந்தேன். அங்குள்ள நான்கு மாதக் குழந்தைக்கு நானே பால் கொடுப்பேன். அன்றைக்கும் வழமை போல பால் கொடுத்த போது குழந்தையின் மூக்கிலிருந்து பால் கொட்டியது. அப்போது நான் குழந்தையின் தொண்டையை தடவிக் கொடுத்தேன். குழந்தை கண் மூடியிருந்த படியால் நான் அது அயர்ந்து உறங்குகிறது என நினைத்துக் கொண்டேன்.
குழந்தையின் தாய் எஜமானி சுமார் 1-30 மணியளவில் வந்து சாப்பிட்டு விட்டு குழந்தையைப் பார்த்தார். பின்னர் என்னை செருப்பால் அடித்து விட்டு குழந்தையைத் தூக்கிச் சென்றார்.அப்போது அவர் அடித்ததில் என் மூக்கில் ரத்தம் வழிந்து கொண்டிருந்தது. பின்னர் என்னை போலீசில் ஒப்படைத்தார்கள். அவர்கள் என்னை ஒரு பட்டியில் அடைத்து அடித்தார்கள் குழந்தையின் கழுத்தை நெறித்ததாக எழுதிக் கொடுக்குமாறும், கையொப்பமிடுமாறும் மிரட்டினார்கள். கையெழுத்திடவில்லை என்றால் மின்சார வதை கொடுக்கப் போவதாக மிரட்டிய போது நான் பயந்து போய் அவர்களுக்கு கையொப்பமிட்டுக் கொடுத்தேன். அப்போதுதான் நான் பயங்கரமாக உணர்ந்தேன்.சரியான நினைவு எனக்கில்லை குழம்பிய மன நிலையில் கையொப்பமிட்டேன்.

அல்லாஹ் மீது ஆணையாகச் சொல்கிறேன் நான் அக்குழந்தையின் கழுத்தை நெறிக்கவில்லை”g>
ரிஸானா நபீக்.
அல் த்வாத்மி சிறைச்சாலை,
அல் தவாத்மி, சவுதி அரேபியா.

இலங்கையின் கிழக்கு மாகாணத்தின் மூதூர் பகுதி கிராமமொன்றில் ஏழைக் குடும்பத்தில் பிறந்த குழந்தை ரிஸானாவை 17 -வயதில் வீட்டு வேலைக்காக அனுப்புகிறார்கள். தங்களுடைய வறுமையைப் போக இக்குழந்தையை வீட்டு வேலைக்கு அனுப்ப சட்ட ரீதியான சாத்தியங்கள் இல்லாத போது 1998-ல் பிறந்த ரிஸானாவில் பிறந்த நாளை 1982 என மாற்றி வயதை அதிகமாக்கி பாஸ்போர்ட் எடுத்து அனுப்புகிறார்கள். இது இலங்கையில் மட்டுமல்ல அரபு நாடுகளுக்கு இப்படியாக பல ஏழைக் குழந்தைகள் ஏஜெண்டுகள் மூலம் அனுப்பப்படுகிறார்கள். ஏழ்மையைத் தவிற வேறு எந்த காராணங்களையும் சொல்ல முடியாது. ஆனால் தேயிலைப் பயிற் செய்கைக்கு கங்காணிகள் என்ற பெயரில் ஏஜெண்டுகள் எப்படி ஏழைகளை 19-ஆம் நூற்றாண்டில் கடத்திச் சென்று மலைக்காடுகளில் விட்டார்களோ, அப்படியே ஏஜெண்டுகள் இந்த ஏழைகளை கடவுச்சீடுகள் மூலம் அரபு நாடுகளுக்குக் கடத்துகிறார்கள்.

10 பேர் கொண்ட ஒரு குடும்பத்திற்கு 16 வயது ரிஸானா நபீக் சமைக்கிறாள், துணி துவைக்கிறாள், வீட்டைச் சுத்தம் செய்கிறாள், தன் எஜமானியின் நன்கு மாத குழந்தைக்கு ஊட்டுகிறார். கடைசியில் குழந்தையின் கழுத்தை நெறித்துக் கொன்றதாக 17 வயதில் கைது செய்யப்பட்டு இப்போது 24 வயதில் தலை வெட்டப்பட்டு சவூதி மன்னராட்சி அரசால் கொல்லப்பட்டிருக்கிறார்.
தமிழைத் தவிற வேறு மொழியறியாத ஒரு குழந்தை தன்னை விட 17 வயது குறைவான நான்கு மாதக் குழந்தையை கவனித்துக் கொள்கிறது. இடம் புதிது, மொழி தெரியாது. சம்பவம் நடந்த போது வீட்டிலும் எவரும் இல்லை. ஒரு சின்னக் குழந்தையிடம் ஒரு பெரிய குழந்தை துரதிருஷ்டமான ஒரு நேரத்தில் எப்படி நடந்து கொள்ளுமோ அப்படித்தான் ரிஸானாவும் நடந்தாள். ஏனெனில் ஒரு துரதிருஷ்டவசமான சம்பவம் குழந்தைக்கு நடக்கிறது, அதற்கு புரை ஏறி மூச்சுக்குழாய்க்குள் பால் அடைக்கிறது என்பதை அறிந்து கொள்ளும் பிராயமோ, புரையேறிய குழந்தையை சரிந்த வாக்கில் படுக்க வைத்து முதுகைத் தட்டிக் கொடுத்தால் ஒரு வேளை சரியாகும் வாய்ப்பு உள்ளது என்பதோ இந்தப் பெரிய குழந்தைக்கு எப்படித் தெரியும் என எதிர்ப்பார்க்க முடியும்?
ஆக மொத்தம் ரிஸானா வறுமையின் நிமித்தம் சவுதிக்கு அனுப்பி வைக்கப்பட்ட சில மாதங்களிலேயே சிறைக்குச் சென்று விடுகிறார். சிறையில் கழிந்த இந்த ஏழு ஆண்டுகளில் அவருக்காக ஒரு வழக்கறிஞர் கூட நியமிக்கப்பட்டு வாதாடியதாகத் தெரியவில்லை. நிலப்பிரவுத்துவம் வீழ்ந்து முதலாளித்தும் நமக்கு இந்த நவீன உலகையும் சிந்தனைப் போக்கையும் கொடுத்த பின்னரும் இன்னமும் மன்னராட்சி முறையை சவுதி அரேபியா வைத்திருக்கிறது. வஹாபிசம் எனப்படும் படு பிற்போக்கான சிறிதும் ஜனநாயகமற்ற கடும் ஒழுக்க தேசியவாதப் போக்கைக் கொண்ட சவுதி, அரபுத் தேசியத்தின் அடையாளமாக தன்னை நிறுத்திக் கொள்கிறது.
இம்மாதிரியான தண்டனை முறைகளால் மக்களை நிரந்தரமான அச்சத்துள் வாழ வைப்பதே அதன் ஆன்மா. இஸ்லாத்தின் மேன்மை மிக்கவனாக தன்னை காட்டிக் கொள்ளும் மன்னராட்சி சவுதியில் மூன்றாம் உலக நாடுகளைச் சார்ந்த தொழிலாளார்களில் நிலை மிக பரிதாபம், வறுமையாக இருந்தாலும் ஒப்பீட்டளவில் இந்தியா போன்ற மூன்றாம் உலக நாடுகள் சுதந்திரமானவைதான் இங்கிருந்து செல்லும் தொழிலாளர்கள் கொத்தடிமைகளைப் போல நடத்தப்படும் நிலையில் இதிலிருந்து முஸ்லீம் தொழிலாளர்களும் விதிவிலக்கில்லை. பணக்காரன் தன் சாதிக்காரனாக இருந்தாலுமே அவனை ஒரு வர்க்க அடிமையாக மட்டுமே எப்படி நடத்துவானோ அப்படித்தான் இந்த ஏழை முஸ்லீம்கள் மீது கூட வாஹாபிசம் எவ்வித கருணையும் காட்டுவதில்லை. அது சவுதிக்குள் ஏழை பணக்காரன் என்ற வேறு பாடில்லாமல் இந்த தண்டனை முறையைக் கொண்டிருப்பதாக நான் வாசித்தேன். ஆனால் இதே வஹாபிசம் அமெரிக்க , ஐய்ரோப்பிய தேசியத்திடம் மண்டியிட்டுக் கிடக்கிறது. ஐய்ரோப்பாவைச் சார்ந்த எவர் ஒருவரும் இப்படியான தண்டனைகளுக்கு சவுதியில் உள்ளாக முடியாது என்பதெல்லாம் தனிக்கதை. எண்ணெய் வளம் கண்டறியப்பட்டதையொட்டி சவுதி மன்னராட்சி மேற்குலகோடு செய்து கொண்ட தொழிலாளர், மற்றும் வணிக ஒப்பந்தங்கள் சவுதி அரேபியச் சட்டங்களின் படி ஐய்ரோப்பியர்களை தலை வெட்டித் தண்டிக்க முடியாத விலக்கை அளிக்கிறது. ரிஸானா வெள்ளை தேசத்தவராக இருந்தால் நிச்சயம் இந்த தண்டனை அவருக்குக் கிடைத்திருக்காது.

நீதிமன்றங்களோ, அவர்களின் போலீசாரும், அவர்களின் இஸ்லாமிய ஷரியத் சட்டங்களும் என்ன சொல்கிறதோ அதைக் கேட்டு தீர்ப்பு எழுதும். இவர்தான் குற்றவாளி என்பதை எளிதில் தீர்மானித்து விடுகிற நீதிமன்றம். குற்றம் சுமத்தப்பட்டவருக்கு தான் நிரபராதி என்பதை நிரூபிப்பதற்கான வாய்ப்புகளை வழங்குவதில்லை. சவுதியின் பணக்கார முஸ்லீம்களின் வீடுகளில் வீட்டு வேலை செய்ய, கார் ஓட்ட ஏழை முஸ்லீம்கள் தேவைப்படுகிறார்கள். ஏனெனில் முஸ்லீம் அல்லாதவர்களை தங்களின் வீட்டு வேலைகளில் இவர்கள் ஈடுபடுத்திக் கொள்வதில்லை என்று சொல்லப்படுகிறது. ரிஸானா என்னும் சிறுமியைப் பொறுத்தவரை அவருக்கு மொழி பெயர்ப்பாளாராக இருந்தவர்கள் குறித்து அரிய முடியவில்லை. அவர் கைது செய்யப்பட்ட போதும் ஏழாண்டுகள் சிறையில் கழிந்த போதும் தலை துண்டிக்கப்படுவதற்கு சற்று முன்னரும் அந்தக் குழந்தையின் நினைவில் என்ன ஓடியிருக்கும் எனத் தெரியவில்லை. புரையேறி இறந்து போன நான்கு மாதக் குழந்தையின் பெற்றோர் மன்னிப்பளித்திருந்தால் ரிஸானா விடுவிக்கப்பட்டிருப்பார் என்னும் நிலையில் அவர்கள் அந்த மன்னிப்பை இன்னொரு குழந்தைக்கு வழங்க முன் வரவில்லை.
2004-ம் ஆண்டில் இயக்குநர் கமலின் ‘பெருமழக்காலம் ’படம் மலையாளத்தில் வந்தது. ரஸியா வின் கணவன் ஒரு விபத்தாக ரகுநாத அய்யர் என்பரைக் கொன்ற கொலைக்குற்றத்தின் பேரில் தலைவெட்டும் தண்டனைகுள்ளாகி வளைகுடா நாட்டில் இருக்க, கொல்லப்பட்ட ரகுநாத அய்யரின் மனைவியிடம் ரஸியா குற்றத்தை மன்னிக் கோருவதுதான் கதை. ரகுவின் மனைவி மன்னித்தால் தன் கணவன் விடுவிக்கப்படுவான் என்பதாகச் செல்லும் கதையில் நுட்பமாக ஒரு உயிரை இழந்த, இன்னொரு உயிரைக் காப்பற்றப் போராடும் இரண்டு பெண்களின் மன உணர்வுகளை மிக நுட்பமாகச் சொல்லியிருப்பார் கமல். இப்படியான வாய்ப்புகள் சினிமாக்களில் மட்டுமே சாத்தியம் என்னும் நிலையில் மன்னிக்கும் தேவையிருந்தும் கூட அந்த வாய்ப்பில்லாமல் வாளால் வீழ்த்தப்பட்டிருக்கிறார் இந்த சிறுமி.கொடூரமான இந்த வாள் வெட்டைத்தான் இந்துப் பாசிஸ்டுகள் இந்தியாவில் நடைமுறைப்படுத்தக் கோருவதை நாம் நினைத்துப் பார்க்க வேண்டும்.

அளவற்ற கருணையையும், இரக்கத்தையும், மன்னிப்பையும் பேசும் குரானோ அல்லாவோ இந்த ரிஸான் பற்றி எதுவும் சொல்லப்போவதில்லை. குடும்ப வறுமையைப் போக்கிக் கொள்ள 17 வயதில் கடைசியாக தங்கள் மகளை வழியனுப்பியவர்கள் பிணமாகவேனும் ரிஸானாவைக் காண்பார்களா என்பது தெரியவில்லை. அவர்களின் வறிய வாழ்வும் மாறவில்லை பிள்ளையும் இல்லாமல் போய் விட்டது. எல்லையற்ற அல்லாவின் கருணையில் ரிஸானாவின் இடம் எதுவெனத் தெரியவில்லை. ஏழாண்டுகள் சிறையில் கழிந்த போது அவள் என்ன நினைவுகளோடு வாழ்ந்திருப்பாள். மூதூரை, தன் உறவுகளை, கொஞ்சம் முந்தைய தன் பால்யத்தை, விளையாடிய விளையாட்டை, தன் சகாக்களோடு இட்ட சண்டையை, சிரிப்பின் துளிர்ப்பை, தன் தாய் பட்ட கஷ்டத்தை, தந்தையின் துயரத்தை, ஒரு காதல் கனவை, நடனத்தை, நாடு திரும்புவதை, மூதூரின் வீதிகளின் புதிய மனுஷியாக நடப்பதை, அரபு தேசத்திலிருந்து வாங்கி வந்த மிட்டாய்களை உறவுகளுக்கு கொடுப்பதை, புதுத்துணி எடுத்துக் கொடுப்பதை, குடிசை வீட்டை ஒரு சுவராக மாற்றுவதை, முற்றத்தில் சின்னதாய் ஒரு செம்பருத்தி வளருவதை….. ரிஸானா எதையெல்லாம் கனவு கண்டிருப்பாய்…. ஒரு தனித்த கனவு அல்ல அது ஒரு குடும்பத்தின், ஒரு சமூகத்தின் கனவல்லவா?
அத்தனையும் ஒரு வெட்டில் சிதறிப்போனக் கனவோ…. என் அன்பே
(புகைப்படங்கள் பானுபாரதி விமலின் முகநூல் பக்கத்திலிருந்தும், சில தளங்களிலிருந்தும் எடுத்தாளப்பட்டது)

Courtesy: http://arulezhilan.com/?p=303
 

Sunday, January 20, 2013

Battle in the Third Pole




War is the only game where both parties loose in real time & winners are decided in history books
                                                                                                               -  Anonymous

In  one of the episodes of “The Simpsons”(American animated sitcom of 90’s), a military officer character invoice that “The wars of the future will not be fought on the battlefield or at sea, They will be fought in space, or possibly on top of a very tall mountain."Though it appeared as joke, but the latter half of that statement would soon prove eerily prescient when India and Pakistan fought over Kashmir's Siachen glacier -- a strategically irrelevant, inhospitable ice field sitting over 18,000 feet above sea level. On Dec 2012, It was yet another bad news for Indian army, death of 10 odd soldiers due to snow avalanche in this place saddened me.

The origins of the ice war date back to 1947, after India and Pakistan fought over possession of Kashmir, a former kingdom coveted by both countries During partition of British India, princely states inside india were asked by Mountbatten to chosen between either India or Pakistan. Certain princely states joined voluntarily, few states made their decision based on referendum results. Mountbatten got visibly agitated after hearing words of Kashmir ruler “Hari singh” that he want to remain independent irrespective of India or Pakistan. Mountbatten warned him that, his callous decision will make India and Pakistan as permanent foes. On Oct 24 1947, with hasten decision of Pakistan, Marauding tribal pathans entered this beautiful state with a motto to make it permanently accessed with Pakistan. King with no option, signed agreement with India without considering his state subjects will. After first Indo-Pak war in 1947- 48, this beautiful state is divided along LoC into two.

70km long siachen glacier lies north east of point NJ9842 , where Line of Control between India and Pakistan ends. It is a highly inhospitable area with statistics showing that temperatures can even fall below -55C. Before 1960, nobody of either side debated ownership of this inhabitable ice field. In 1967, U.S defense maps showed  glacier region was lying in Pakistan. Numerous governmental & private cartographers ,atlas producers followed suit, indicating same information. Even in historical simla agreement, there were no words on the siachen glacier.A statement that “after end of LoC ie NJ9842, there exists a inhospitable glacier” was only present in simla agreement.

In 1970’s When  several mountaineers  start asking permission from Pakistan government for mountaineering expedition in peaks near siachen glacier, Indian government got aware  and protested  the U.S maps. After getting alarmed with sequence of events, Colonel Narendra "Bull" Kumar, then commanding officer of the Indian Army started an Army expedition to the Siachen area in 1977. With 4 years of continuous voyage, colonel bull returned with lot of strategic information. Bull's secret trek was spotted by Pakistan. On patrol, some Pakistani soldiers found a crumpled packet of "Gold Flake" cigarettes, an Indian brand and their suspicions were raised.After knowing this incident, army headquarters in Rawalpindi, Pakistani generals decided to capture the glacier as felt they  had better stake to claim ownership of Siachen. Pakistan then committed  a historical  blunder, that cost them heavily in the future events. Pakistan army  ordered  Arctic-weather gear  from a London outfitters with whom Indians also ordered before.

With  intelligence information of possible Pakistan operation, India launched Operation Meghdoot(Named for the divine cloud messenger, Meghaduta, from the Sanskrit play by Kalidasa), on 13 April 1984, 4 days before planned Pakistan operation. For this operation, Indian army’s challenge was lofty hitherto unscaled peaks. Thanks to IAF’s Il-76, An-12 and An-32 military planes, Indian army airlifted troops to strategic locations in high altitudes within few hours and days. When the Pakistanis hiked up to the glacier, they found that a 300-man Indian battalion was already there, dug into the highest mountaintops.

Pakistan’s attempts to reclaim mountain positions were taught to be surreal acts of heroism and self-sacrifice. In April 1989, for example, the Pakistanis decided to try to dislodge an Indian squad from a saddle between two peaks known as the Chumik Pass before reinforcements arrived. First, a platoon of Pakistanis, roped together, tried scaling a 600-m cliff to reach the Indian post, but they were wiped out by an avalanche. Time was running out; Indian reinforcements were approaching. So a Pakistani lieutenant, Naveed Khan Qureshi, 27, with no mountain-warfare training, volunteered for a crazy mission. The plan was for Qureshi to be dangled from a tiny helicopter by a rope and then dropped on top of the peak, above the Indians. Slapped by high winds, the helicopter stalled and went into a dive. Qureshi was still underneath it, swinging to and fro.,going to get caught in the tail rotor blades. Pilot pulled the chopper out of its stall and headed for a lower ridge. Qureshi was cut loose—and fell straight into a crevasse. Miraculously, he survived, but was trapped there until a second soldier was airlifted in. The two men were stranded in a blizzard for two days until the weather cleared long enough for Sehgal to land four more troops and supplies. Trouble was, their position was 150 m below the Indian outpost instead of above it. Lashed together by ropes, the six men advanced up the mountain, and eventually overran the Indians' bunker. From that vantage point, the Pakistanis began to pound a lower Indian base on the glacier with mortars and rockets. A month later, the two countries realized the madness of trying to slug it out, and agreed to pacify. Another well known was in 1987, when an attempt was made by Pakistan to dislodge India from the area. The attack was masterminded by Pervez Musharraf .This time Pakistan again lost another one post thanks to Naib Subedar Bana Singh, who in a daring daylight raid, assaulted and captured a Pakistani post atop a 22,000 foot (6,700 m) peak, now named after his name bana post.

Today, an icy stalemate prevails. According to current position Indian Army control the heights, but due to inaccessible terrain, Indians have to bring in everything using helicopters and snowmobiles. On western side, Pakistan has mobility with roads to transfer men and goods supplies.

Even after 2003 ceasefire between India-Pak , more soldiers were killed in avalanches than by gunfire. With improvements in military equipment, Siachen is still an awful place to wage a war. The winds were so fierce that leave alone fight, you can't breathe, you can't see, you can't talk-you only have a prayer on your lip. It would take 50 whistles of pressure cooker before a leg of chicken could be cooked. To keep warm, body requires twice the normal amount of calories daily. For the troops guarding the heights, the mountains remain unforgiving and death is a constant companion.Way back in 2005, an avalanche buried part of the Indian post on the ridge, freezing a junior commissioned officer to death. The bad weather prevented rescuers from bringing his body down for four days. Around the same time, a captain had to have his legs and a hand amputated after he suffered from severe frostbite. Both countries refuse to disclose their casualties in the 28 years that they have been fighting up here, but some military analysts put the combined death toll at anywhere from 3,000 to 5,000 lives.

To  demilitarize  the glacier, India-Pakistan conducted many rounds of talks, almost everything ended in a failure.Trust-deficit a basic reason for all the failures.  Indian army  never ready to trust Pakistan after kargil betrayal. Neither nation wants to be the first to pull its troops off the ice for fear that the other would rush in. Due to advent in technology, Indian army defends that they can safely stay in inhospitable conditions, with no casualties reported due to severe cold conditions in last few years. After deadly 2012 siachen avalanche killing 150 soldiers, Pakistan army repeatedly calls for demilitarization

Friendly banter also exists between the soldiers of both nations who in some areas was just 200 yards away.During Diwali and EID, both exchange the greetings. Every other day some Indian soldiers would wave out to his Pakistani counterpart on a ridge and once even got a request to send down a box of paan. On one occasion,  Indian soldiers offered Pakistani soldier the chance to use their satellite phone to call home

Until India and Pakistan can find a way to trust each other, such a white death threatens the lives of young Indians and Pakistanis locked in a pointless war on the roof of the world. The tin-roofed arrival hall at Indian Base Camp has an old Ladakhi saying

"The land is so barren and the passes so high that only the best of friends and the fiercest of enemies would want to visit us."


Saturday, January 19, 2013

The Cancer Sleeper Cell

In the winter of 1999, a 49-year-old psychologist was struck by nausea —a queasiness so sudden and strong that it seemed as if it had been released from a catapult.

More puzzled by her symptoms than alarmed — this nausea came without any aura of pain — she saw her internist. She was given a diagnosis of gastroenteritis and sent home to bed rest and Gatorade.
But the nausea persisted, and then additional symptoms appeared out of nowhere. Ghostly fevers came and went. She felt perpetually full, as if she had just finished a large meal. Three weeks later, she returned to the hospital, demanding additional tests. This time, a CT scan revealed a nine-centimeter solid mass pushing into her stomach. Once biopsied, the mass was revealed to be a tumor, with oblong, spindle-shaped cells dividing rapidly. It was characterized as a rare kind of cancer called a gastrointestinal stromal tumor, or GIST.
A surgical cure was impossible: her tumor had metastasized to her liver, lymph nodes and spleen. Her doctors halfheartedly tried some chemotherapy, but nothing worked. “I signed my letters, paid my bills and made my will,” the patient recalled. “I was told to go home to die.”

In June, several months after her diagnosis, she stumbled into a virtual community of co-sufferers — GIST patients who spoke to one another online through a Listserv. In 2001, word of a novel drug called Gleevec began to spread like wildfire through this community. Gleevec was the exemplar of a brand-new kind of cancer medicine. Cancer cells are often driven to divide because of mutations that activate genes crucial to cell division; Gleevec directly inactivated the mutated gene driving the growth of her sarcoma, and in early trials was turning out to be astonishingly effective against GIST.

The psychologist pulled strings to enroll in one of these trials. She was, by nature, effortlessly persuasive, and her illness had made her bold. She enrolled in a Gleevec trial at a teaching hospital. A month later, her tumors began to recede at an astonishing rate. Her energy reappeared; her nausea vanished. She was resurrected from the dead. Her recovery was a medical miracle, emblematic of a new direction in cancer treatment. Medicine seemed to be catching up on cancer. Even if no cure was in sight, there would be a new generation of drugs to control cancer, and another when the first failed. Then, just short of the third anniversary of her unexpected recovery, cancer cells suddenly began multiplying again. The dormant lumps sprouted back. The nausea returned. Malignant fluid poured into the cisterns of her abdomen.

Resourceful as always, she turned once more to the online community of GIST patients. She discovered that there were other drugs — second-generation analogues of Gleevec — in trial in other cities. Later that year, she enrolled in one such trial in Boston, where I was completing my clinical training in cancer medicine.
The response was again striking. The masses in her liver and stomach shrank almost immediately. Her energy flowed back. Resurrected again, she made plans to return home. But the new drug did not work for long: within months she relapsed again. By early winter, her cancer was out of control, growing so fast that she could record its weight, in pounds, as she stood on the hospital’s scales. Eventually her pain reached a point when it was impossible for her to walk.

Toward the end of 2003, I met her in her hospital room to try to reconcile her to her medical condition. As usual, she was ahead of me. When I started to talk about next steps, she waved her hand and cut me off. Her goals were now simple, she told me. No more trials. No more drugs. She realized that her reprieve had finally come to an end. She wanted to go home, to die the death that she expected in 1999.
The word “relapse” comes from the Latin for “slipping backward,” or “slipping again.” It signals not just a fall but another fall, a recurrent sin, a catastrophe that happens again. It carries a particularly chilling resonance in cancer — for it signals the reappearance of a disease that had once disappeared. When cancer recurs, it often does so in treatment-resistant or widely spread form. For many patients, it is relapse that presages the failure of all treatment. You may fear cancer, but what cancer patients fear is relapse.
Why does cancer relapse? From one perspective, the answer has to do as much with language, or psychology, as with biology. Diabetes and heart failure, both chronic illnesses whose acuity can also wax and wane, are rarely described in terms of “relapse.” Yet when a cancer disappears on a CT scan or becomes otherwise undetectable, we genuinely begin to believe that the disappearance is real, or even permanent, even though statistical reasoning might suggest the opposite. A resurrection implies a previous burial. Cancer’s “relapse” thus implies a belief that the disease was once truly dead.

But what if my patient’s cancer had never actually died, despite its invisibility on all scans and tests? CT scans, after all, lack the resolution to detect a single remnant cell. Blood tests for cancer also have a resolution limit: they detect cancer only when millions of tumor cells are present in the body. What if her cancer had persisted in a dormant state during her remissions — effectively frozen but ready to germinate? Could her case history be viewed through an inverted lens: not as a series of remissions punctuated by the occasional relapse, but rather a prolonged relapse, relieved by an occasional remission?
In fact, this view of cancer — as tenaciously persistent and able to regenerate after apparently disappearing — has come to occupy the very center of cancer biology. Intriguingly, for some cancers, this regenerative power appears to be driven by a specific cell type lurking within the cancer that is capable of dormancy, growth and infinite regeneration — a cancer “stem cell.”

If such a phoenixlike cell truly exists within cancer, the implication for cancer therapy will be enormous: this cell might be the ultimate determinant of relapse. For decades, scientists have wondered if the efforts to treat certain cancers have stalled because we haven’t yet found the right kind of drug. But the notion that cancers contain stem cells might radically redirect our efforts to develop anticancer drugs. Is it possible that the quest to treat cancer has also stalled because we haven’t even found the right kind of cell?
Even the earliest theories of cancer’s genesis had to contend with the regenerative power of this illness. The most enduring of these theories was promulgated by Galen, the Greek physician who began practicing among the Romans in A.D. 162. Galen, following earlier Greek physiologists, proposed that the human body was composed of four cardinal fluids: blood, phlegm, yellow bile and black bile. Each possessed a unique color (red, white, yellow and black) and an essential character, temperature and taste. In normal bodies, these fluids were kept in a perfect, if somewhat precarious, balance. Illness was the pathological overabundance or depletion of one or more fluids. Catarrh, pustules, tuberculotic glands — all boggy, cool and white — were illnesses of the excess of phlegm. Jaundice was obviously an overflow of yellow bile. Heart failure arose from too much blood. Cancer was linked to the most malevolent and complex of all fluids — black bile, imagined as an oily, bitter fluid also responsible for depression (melancholia takes its name from black bile).

Fantastical as it was, Galen’s system nonetheless had one important virtue: It explained not just cancer’s occurrence but also its recurrence. Cancer, Galen proposed, was a result of a systemic malignant state, an internal overdose of black bile. Tumors were the local outcroppings of a deep-seated bodily dysfunction, an imbalance that pervaded the entire corpus. The problem with treating cancer with any form of local therapy, like surgery, was that black bile was everywhere in the body. Fluids seep back to find their own levels. You could cut a tumor out, Galen argued, but black bile would flow right back and regenerate cancer.
Galen’s theory held a potent grip on the imagination of scientists for centuries — until the invention of the microscope quite literally threw light on the cancer cell. When 19th-century pathologists trained their lenses at tumors, they found not black bile in overabundance but cells in excess — sheet upon sheet of them that had divided with near-hyperactive frenzy, distorting normal anatomy, breaking boundaries and invading other tissues. The crucial abnormality of cancer was unbridled cellular proliferation, cell growth without control.
We now have a vastly enriched understanding of how this runaway growth begins. Cancer results from alterations to cellular genes. In normal cells, powerful genetic signals regulate cell division with exquisite control. Some genes activate cellular proliferation, behaving like minuscule accelerators of growth. Others inactivate growth, acting like molecular brakes. Genes tell a limb to grow out of an embryo, for example, and then instruct the limb to stop growing. A cut prompts the skin to heal itself, but heaps of skin do not continue to grow in excess. In a cancer cell, in contrast, the accelerators of growth are jammed permanently on, the brakes permanently off. The result is a cell that does not know how to stop growing.

Uncontrolled cell division imbues cancer cells not just with the capacity to grow but also with a crucial property that often accompanies growth: the capacity to evolve. Cancer is not merely a glum cellular copying machine, begetting clone after clone. Every generation of cancer cells produces cells that in turn bear additional mutations, changes beyond those already present in the accelerator and brake genes. And when a selective pressure like chemotherapy is applied to a cancer, resistant mutants escape that pressure. Just as antibiotics can give rise to resistant strains of bacteria, anticancer drugs can produce resistant cancer cells.
This process — evolution’s slippery hand driving cancer’s adaptation and survival — provided biologists with an explanation for cancer’s recurrence after treatment. Relapse occurs because cancer cells that are genetically resistant to a drug outgrow all the nonresistant cells. Chemotherapy unleashes a ruthless Darwinian battle in every tumor. A relapsed cancer is the ultimate survivor of that battle, the direct descendant of the fittest cell.

And yet this theory seemed incomplete. Some cancers relapse months or even years after a chemotherapeutic drug has been stopped — a delay that would make little sense if relapse were simply due to resistance. In other instances, treating a recurrent cancer with the same drug can lead to a second remission — an outcome difficult to explain if the recurring cancer has acquired resistance to the original drug. Could there be a deeper explanation for cancer’s persistence and regenerative power beyond simple mutations and resistance?

In 1994, a researcher at the University of Toronto named John Dick performed a striking experiment that would upend the received wisdom about cancer relapses. Trained as a stem-cell biologist, Dick was particularly interested in blood stem cells.
Stem cells, regardless of their origin, are defined by two cardinal characteristics. The first is hierarchy, or potency. A stem cell is the originator of the many different cell types in a tissue; it sits, like the founder of a massive clan, at the tip of a pyramid of growth. The second is self-renewal: even as stem cells create the cells that make up a tissue, they must also renew themselves. This dynast doesn’t just produce a clan; in each generation, it rebirths itself. The perpetual rebirth of a founding cell yields a virtually inexhaustible supply of cells in a tissue, a reservoir of growth that can be tapped repeatedly on demand.

In humans, all circulating blood cells — white cells, red cells and platelets — arise from a population of blood stem cells exclusively dedicated to the genesis of blood. In their normal, unperturbed state, these blood-founding cells hibernate deep in the cavities of the bone marrow. But when circulating blood cells are killed — by chemotherapy, say — the stem cells awaken and begin to divide with awe-inspiring fecundity, generating millions of cells that gradually mature into blood cells. A defining feature of this proc­ess is its regenerative capacity: in generating blood, the blood stem cells also regenerate themselves. Each round of blood formation restores their supply. If the entirety of blood is again depleted, by another round of chemo, it can be regenerated again and yet again — theoretically, an infinite number of times — because the stem cells replenish themselves in every cycle.

Blood, in short, is hierarchically organized. Its reservoir of renewal is concentrated in a rare population of highly potent cells. As long as these cells exist in the marrow, blood can be regenerated. Eliminate this reservoir, and the vast organ-system of blood gradually collapses.
Now imagine that cancer is also hierarchically organized — with a secret cellular reservoir dedicated to its renewal. Typically, cancer is envisioned as a mass of dividing cells, with no difference between one cell and its neighbor. But what if some cells in a tumor are dedicated “founders,” capable of infinite regeneration, while others are limited in their capacity to divide and unable to continuously generate new cells? Cancer cells bear mutations that enable rapid growth, but what if only some cells within a tumor possess indefinite growth? Such a model of cancer would still retain the essential pathological features of the disease — distorted growth, invasiveness, the capacity to mutate and evolve. Yet the driver of regeneration would be different: as with blood, only a certain subpopulation of cells in the tumor would be responsible for a cancer’s regeneration. Might such cells lie at the root of relapse?

John Dick had an obvious place to begin looking for such cancer-regenerating cells — in leukemia, or cancers of white blood cells. Dick implanted human leukemia cells into immune-paralyzed mice and found that these leukemias could survive and grow in these mice. But not every leukemia cell could. Dick and his students implanted fewer and fewer leukemia cells — one million, 100,000, 1,000 and so on — to determine the smallest number of cells required to cause cancer in a mouse. The answer was surprising: one needed to implant between a quarter-million and one million cells to be sure of implanting at least one cell that could generate leukemia. The rest could not; the other 999,999 cells, in short, had evidently grown out of that single cell — but were themselves incapable of regenerating the cancer.
When Dick’s team focused on defining the characteristics of this one-in-a-million cell, there was another surprise. All cells express subsets of proteins on their cell surface that correspond to their identity like tiny bar codes. The bar codes on the surface of the leukemia-generating cell bore a familiar mark: of all cell types found in blood, it most closely resembled the blood stem cell. And when Dick transplanted this cell from one mouse to the next, he found that he could generate and regenerate the leukemia — just as a blood stem cell would generate blood cells.

Dick’s leukemia-forming cell was, in effect, the normal stem cell’s malignant doppelgänger. It possessed the blood stem cell’s incredible regenerative ability — but unlike a normal stem cell, it could not stop regenerating, dividing and producing more cells. It, too, was an inexhaustible reservoir of growth, but of unstoppable growth. Noting the analogy between this cell and the blood stem cell, Dick called the one-in-a-million cell the “leukemia stem cell.”
In time, biologists began to see the implication of Dick’s experiment. If leukemia possessed stem cells, then — much like normal blood — its regenerative capacity may be contained exclusively within that select population. And if so, it was this rare stem cell — not the other 999,999 — that had to be attacked by a new generation of drugs. Traditional chemotherapy, of course, makes no distinction between a cancer’s stem cells and any other of its cells, between the roots and the shoots of a tumor. All cells are treated equal — and what is poison to one growing cell is largely poison to another. Indeed, most forms of chemotherapy in use today are derived from enormous chemical hunts begun in the 1970s, decades before the birth of the cancer-stem-cell theory. Many of these chemicals came into use because of their ability to kill dividing cancer cells in a petri dish. The fact that most such drugs turn out to be nearly indiscriminate poisons of cellular growth should hardly come as a surprise: they were selected to be generic cell killers.

But if tumors contain dedicated stem cells, then delivering maximal doses of poisons to kill the bulk of the tumor might achieve one response — a shrinkage of the tumor — but have no effect on relapse. If the rare stem cell lurking within a tumor somehow escapes death, then it will reassert itself and grow again. Cancers will come back like a garden that has been cleared by hacking at its weeds while leaving the roots behind.
The publication of John Dick’s paper eventually produced an avalanche of interest in cancer stem cells. In 2003, another laboratory, led by Michael Clarke at the University of Michigan, isolated a rare population of cancer-regenerating cells from human breast cancers, thereby extending Dick’s model beyond leukemia to a “solid” tumor. In 2005, a Harvard professor named Martin Nowak used mathematical modeling to demonstrate that another human leukemia known as CML also possesses a rare subpopulation of regenerating cells. In the winter of 2006, Dick’s lab and an Italian team independently discovered cancer stem cells in colon cancers. Laboratories around the United States rushed to extract cancer stem cells from brain, prostate, lung and pancreatic cancers. Pharmaceutical companies joined the bandwagon, spending millions, and then tens of millions, on mammoth chemical searches for drugs that might destroy cancer stem cells. The National Institutes of Health issued dozens of grant requests to study and isolate cancer stem cells. The paradox of this moment was not lost on researchers. For decades, cancer had been imagined as a degenerative disease — an illness caused by the corruption of genes and cells over time, often a side-effect of aging. Yet in the search for a new generation of anticancer drugs, it was to the science of regeneration — to embryos and stem cells — that the field turned.

In 2005, by the time I finished my training, the cancer-stem-cell model had acquired an overheated quality. The boil and froth inevitably brought challenges. In Michigan, a stem-cell biologist named Sean Morrison returned to John Dick’s original test for stem cells — diluting and rediluting cells to find the cells that could regenerate a cancer. Morrison first tested the model in mouse leukemias and confirmed Dick’s results in human leukemias. He subsequently tried the experiment with another type of cancer — melanoma, deadly blue-black cancers that arise in the skin and metastasize often to the lungs and brain. Others had suggested that only a few cells — about one in a million — could regenerate the tumor in mice. But when Morrison tested the melanoma cells’ regenerative capacity by conducting a variation of Dick’s experiment, he found that some 25 percent of the cells from a melanoma could grow a tumor in a mouse. If stem cells were this common in tumors — if one in four cells could grow cancer — then their very definition might be reduced to semantic oblivion. How could a tumor have a stem-cell-like “hierarchy” if every cell occupied the primary spot?

New questions emerged again in May this year at the Wistar Institute in Philadelphia. A group there was working on melanoma, the cancer that Morrison studied. As previous studies had, the Wistar study also identified a subpopulation of self-renewing cells marked by a distinct bar code within human melanomas. But when these cells were studied more deeply, they appeared to possess no greater ability to regenerate cancers in mice than the nonrenewing cells — thus seemingly disconnecting the link between self-renewal and cancer regeneration.
The Wistar and the Morrison studies are among the many that have begun to challenge the universality and the reliability of the cancer-stem-cell model. “Look,” Morrison told me, “this is all going to become more complicated. Some cancers, including myeloid leukemias, really do follow a cancer-stem-cell model. But in some other cancers, there is no meaningful hierarchy, and it will not be possible to cure a patient by targeting a rare subpopulation of cells. The field has a lot of work to do to figure out which cancers, or even which patients, fall in each category.”

Even Morrison, however, acknowledges that the existence of such cells would have a transformative impact on cancer. “For a model to be useful, it need not be universal,” he says. “Even if the stem-cell model applies only to certain forms of cancer, it would be absolutely worthwhile studying the biology of these stem cells. Universal cures and theories of cancer have so often failed that we may as well spend time talking about specific theories for specific forms of cancer. And it’s in specific cancers that the stem-cell theory might still apply — and powerfully so.”
My patient, the psychologist, returned to her hometown in the South. “No bed like your own bed,” she told me in parting, smiling her pointed, distinctive smile. A week later, when I called her, there was no answer on the phone. I assume that she died — in her own bed, on her own terms — with the same dignity with which she lived. I finished my clinical fellowship in Boston in 2005 and then moved to New York four years later to set up a laboratory. Our lab studies leukemia stem cells. We, too, have joined the quest to create drugs that will wipe out malignant stem cells while sparing normal stem cells.
How might someone go about finding such a drug? Traditionally, three strategies have produced anticancer drugs. The first relies on serendipity: someone hears of a chemical that works on some cell, it is tested on cancer and — lo! — it is found to kill cancer cells while sparing most normal ones.

The second approach involves discovering a protein present or especially active in cancer cells — and relatively inactive in normal cells — and targeting that protein with a drug. Gleevec, the drug used against GIST, was designed to destroy the functioning of a family of proteins that are uniquely hyperactive in GIST and in certain leukemias. (There are only a few drugs with such exquisite specificity for cancer cells.)
The final strategy involves identifying some behavior of a cancer cell that renders it uniquely sensitive to a particular chemical. Most traditional chemotherapies, for instance, attack the rapid division of cells. These drugs kill cancer cells because those divide the most rapidly, resulting in a narrow discrimination between cancer cells and normal cells.

Nearly every drug in oncology’s current pharmacopeia can trace its origins to some variation or combination of these three approaches. But notably, while each method depends crucially on discriminating between normal cells and cancer cells, almost none make any distinction among the cells of any cancer.
The stem-cell hypothesis of cancer poses new challenges for all three modes of drug discovery. To start, cancer stem cells might be fleetingly rare — one in a million, in Dick’s original case. A serendipitous discovery involving a rare cell demands an unusual confluence of luck — chance multiplied by chance. Defining specific targets in cancer stem cells might work, but here again there is a battle against numbers. Finding such genes unique to cancer stem cells first requires isolating and extracting these rare cells from real tumors, a formidable technical hurdle.

The most difficult challenge for drug discovery, though, lies perhaps in modeling the self-renewing behavior of cancer stem cells. To create drugs, researchers typically begin with a simple cell behavior — say, its growth or death, or its capacity to change shape. Chemicals are then tested for their ability to alter this behavior. But in order to reach cancer stem cells, we might need to devise assays far more complex than conventionally used. The most traditional metric by which an anticancer chemical is judged — its ability to reduce the size of a tumor, or to kill cancer cells in a petri dish — won’t work, of course. If a chemical kills only the one-in-a-million cell that drives relapse, then it may not register as a tumor-shrinking or cancer-killing agent. A traditional drug hunt would most likely miss this kind of chemical — and yet this is precisely what is needed to attack the roots of cancer. To find drugs for cancer stem cells, then, we will need not just to find new chemicals, but also to find new strategies to test these chemicals.
Still, for cancer researchers, the stem-cell hypothesis is as exciting as it is vexing. The capacity to tear out the roots of a tumor, and thereby dispel the specter of relapse, represents a sea change in our thinking about cancer. Indeed, the effort to isolate and target cancer stem cells is central to a much larger paradigm shift sweeping through cancer biology. Until recently, much of the field was focused on understanding the most salient feature of the cancer cell: its ability to divide uncontrollably. But our understanding of cancer has reached far beyond distorted cell division. Cancer cells co-opt neighboring blood vessels to supply themselves with oxygen. They enable their own movement through the body by hijacking genes that allow normal cells to move. When some cancers metastasize and punch holes in the bone to support their survival, they imitate an accelerated form of osteoporosis — in effect, recapitulating the aging process in bone.
Cancer, it seems, is not merely mimicking the biology of rapidly dividing cells, but that of organs — or even organisms. At its cellular core, a tumor might nourish itself with its own supply of oxygen; it might organize its environment to fuel its growth; it might regenerate itself from a dedicated population of stem cells. Perhaps if we looked at cancers using appropriate conceptual lenses, we might find that tumors possess their own anatomy and physiology — a parallel universe to that of normal cells and organs. Such a tumor can hardly be described as a disorganized group of cells. It is a cellular empire, with its own sustenance, grammar, logic and organization. It is a growing being within a growing being.


Hence the quest to discriminate between normal and malignant cells is progressively beginning to resemble one of those devastating surgical operations to separate conjoined twins. Every drug that kills cancer stem cells might also kill the normal stem cells. This operation, too, might end in tragedy for both twins.
But it might not — and therein resides the hope for a next generation of drugs. If stem cells can be found for certain forms of cancer, and if a drug can be found to kill these cells in humans, then the clinical impact of such a discovery would obviously be enormous. And its scientific impact would be just as profound. Centuries after the discovery of cancer as a disease, we are learning not just how to treat it — but what cancer truly is.



Siddhartha Mukherjee is an assistant professor of medicine in the division of medical oncology at Columbia University. This article is adapted from his book “Emperor of All Maladies: A Biography of Cancer,” which will be published by Scribner next month.

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/31/magazine/31Cancer-t.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0

Row in Lanka as govt turns Tamil killing fields into tourist hot spot



Row in Lanka as govt turns Tamil killing fields into tourist hot spot
Mullivaikkal is the coastal village where the Tamil Tigers made their last stand in May 2009, along with more than 150,000 starving terrified Tamil civilians.

Local people who've recently travelled into Sri Lanka's killing fields, where an estimated 40,000 people perished in 2009, say skulls and human bones have risen to the surface after this year's flooding and abandoned belongings are strewn all over the landscape. "It is a horrible scene," said one visitor, "there are still bunkers visible with saris, kid's clothing and suitcases left open under the bushes; you can't imagine what it must have been like for those people to have been crammed into that tiny place so close together". This man was too scared to go close or collect the human remains lest there were mines or unexploded ordinance.
Mullivaikkal is the coastal village where the Tamil Tigers made their last stand in May 2009, along with more than 150,000 starving terrified Tamil civilians. It's synonymous with the worst suffering and slaughter of the decades long conflict - the Srebrenica of Sri Lanka. It's here that war crimes and crimes against humanity were committed, according to UN experts.
The photographs show the last belongings of people who may well be dead now. By the time they reached this sandy spit of exposed land, some had already been displaced 40 times in five months. They'd shed almost everything they owned and expected to die. A Catholic priest writing to the Pope in the final days reported more than 3000 deaths and 4000 injuries in just one night: "It was a barrage of artillery, mortar, multi-barrel shelling and cluster bombs, which Sri Lankan government denies using on the civilians in the 'no fire zone'.
The cries of woes and agony of the babies and children, the women and the elderly fill the air polluted by poisonous and unhealthy gases and pierced the hearts of fathers and mothers, of elders and peasants, of old men and women of all walks of life".
The priest disappeared without trace after being seen by many witnesses surrendering to the army.
For the last three and a half years, Mullivaikkal has been off limits - strictly controlled by the Sri Lankan military. Even today locals say there are large numbers of police and army personnel who operate in pairs on motorbikes stopping anyone straying from the main roads. Visitors say local residents are terrified to talk about politics to outsiders. Widows are particularly vulnerable to sexual abuse; some in isolated areas described being visited and questioned by male security officials.
Sri Lanka's war zone area has partially opened up so survivors can return home, but also to enable a macabre tourist trail the military have set up primarily for people from the majority Sinhala community to see where their defeated enemy lived.
For decades these northern parts of the country under rebel administration were largely off limits to people in the South. Now busloads of Sri Lankan tourists are coming to see the rebel leader's house and his underground bunker, swimming pool and shooting range. All the exhibits are neatly labeled - "Terrorist Swimming Pool" for example - and in the rebels' erstwhile capital there's even a souvenir shop next to the destroyed landmark of the water tower. Next to each of these sites, there is a cafe where visitors can enjoy a cup of tea prepared by a Sri Lankan soldier. In the official history there's no word of the tens of thousands of civilians who died here - the majority as a result of a brutal government offensive that involved deliberately and repeatedly attacking hospitals, safe zones and food queues. And yet this is an area where almost every Tamil family lost someone in the 2009 war.
"The government has destroyed the childhood home of the rebel leader Prabhakaran, as well as rebels' cemeteries, but has kept the Tiger bunkers and constructed war museums. Why? What kind of argument is being made here?" asks Amarnath Amarasingam, a post-doctoral fellow at York University in Toronto, Canada. "In a strange way, it amounts to a subtle building-up of the Tigers, a kind of glorification of the threat that they posed - openly on display at the war museum in Puthukkudiyiruppu. The government can then point to it and say, 'look what we were able to destroy' and, of course, 'if we're not careful, look what can re-emerge'", he says.
Clearly this sort of triumphalist tourism does little to foster reconciliation between communities, nor does it do much to benefit the local economy. There's a stark contrast between luxury tourist guest houses and the local living conditions nearly four years after the end of the war. In the war zone the tops of palm trees are now blackened stumps - an indication of the heavy fighting. Most buildings are said to have been destroyed, often razed to the ground. Visitors say most houses or huts along the coast are still without roofs - those that rebuilt them did so by borrowing or receiving money from relatives abroad. Some local families have been reduced to scavenging for scrap metal - often cooking pots or gold that people buried during the final phase of the war in the hope that they'd live to come back to reclaim their property.

The writer of this piece is the author of "Still Counting The Dead"- a collection of survivors' stories from the final phase of the Sri Lankan civil war

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/south-asia/Row-in-Lanka-as-govt-turns-Tamil-killing-fields-into-tourist-hot-spot/articleshow/18083064.cms

Tuesday, January 15, 2013

Bodyline: 80 years of cricket's greatest controversy


(Clockwise from top left) Bert Oldfield hit by a ball at the Adelaide Oval, statue of Harold Larwood, the Ashes urn, Bill Woodfull hit at the Adelaide Oval, Australia graphic, Douglas Jardine, Nottingham coverage of the Adelaide test  


The Bodyline scandal helped shape the nature of cricket, sport and relations between Australia and England for years to come
As Australian batsman Bert Oldfield collapsed, his skull fractured by a lightning-fast ball, the booing from the 50,000-strong Adelaide Oval crowd became a deafening howl.
The England players, mouths dry with fear, looked for escape routes - or even potential weapons - in case the mob fell on them.
Bowler Harold Larwood, the focus of the fury, turned to team-mate Les Ames. "If they come," he said, "you can take the leg stump for protection - I'll take the middle."
Never before or since that moment, 80 years ago to the day, on 16 January 1933, had cricket - and arguably any other sport - seen a contest which fired such anger, which reached so far and echoed for so long, as the Bodyline tour.
Bodyline ball compared to standard ball  


Bodyline used a more aggressive but still entirely legal method of bowling
"In Australia to this day, the word Bodyline carries the stench of underhand or unsportsmanlike behaviour; with the series regarded as Australian cricket's most controversial," said David Studham from the Australian National Sports Museum.
The view of the MCC, which organised the tour, is slightly different. The curator of its museum, Adam Chadwick, said: "Was Bodyline unsportsmanlike? By the standards of the day, yes. By the standards of now, it was a stroke of genius."
'Devastatingly fast' At the beginning of the 1930s, the MCC - Marylebone Cricket Club - still ruled the cricketing world from its seat at Lord's in London.
But it had a problem, in the shape of batting phenomenon Don Bradman.
During their 1930 tour of England, Australia - the arch rivals - had dominated the home bowlers, with Bradman averaging a staggering 139.14.
The MCC looked to austere amateur player Douglas Jardine for an answer, making him England captain.
Jardine believed Bradman struggled against balls which bounced into his chest and formed a tactic to exploit this. But the plan needed the right bowler, and that bowler was former Nottinghamshire miner Harold Larwood.
Duncan Hamilton, Larwood's biographer, said: "He had two things. Firstly he was incredibly accurate, he claimed never to have bowled a wide in his career, and accuracy was essential to Bodyline.
"Secondly he was devastatingly fast. All his contemporaries said he was the quickest they had faced. At certain times during that series he must have got close to, if not passed, the 100mph (160km/h) mark


Harold Larwood (l) and Don Bradman  


Cricket genius - Larwood and Bradman duelled during Bodyline but faced very different fates in the years that followed
"Every fast bowler who sees that old footage says, 'Wow, that's quick!'."
Jardine's plan was to use what was known in England as leg theory. Bowling fast, high-bouncing deliveries on the line of the leg stump of the wicket - where a batsman would usually stand.
The batsman had three choices: to move but risk exposing his wicket, to play the ball with his bat and face being caught by a ring of close fielders, or try to duck and risk painful blows.
The tour began in earnest at Sydney in December 1932, ironically without Bradman playing. Bodyline would bring England victory.
Complaints about the tactic quickly appeared. As the bruises and wickets mounted, the disquiet turned to anger, with claims batsmen were being physically targeted.

Bodyline introduced a previously unspoken element into Test cricket - namely the physical intimidation of the batsman.
The placement of fielders, deliberately positioned to catch the ball from batsmen protecting themselves from short, fast deliveries aimed at the ribs and throat, was entirely legal at the time, but seriously threatened the code of sportsmanship that is so central to cricket.
That said, the Australian administrators - who made such a meal of Jardine's tactic at the time - were noticeably quiet when their own fast bowlers Dennis Lillee and Jeff Thomson were terrifying batsmen with short-pitched bowling in the 1970s.
The authorities acted swiftly after the Bodyline tour to limit the placing of fielders in catching positions on the leg side in an attempt to deter a repeat of the tactic, and also brought in a restriction of the number of bouncers that can be bowled in a single over.
But after Lillee and Thomson, the West Indies' formidable pace attack of the late 1970s and 80s also proved that skilful, intimidatory fast bowling is every bit as effective as Bodyline, even with field restrictions and after the introduction of helmets.
Despite Australia levelling the series at the second match in Melbourne, the constant battering of lightly protected players attracted outraged headlines.
Some batsmen endured hours of punishment and even Bradman looked unsettled.
Mr Studham said: "The tactics employed by Jardine roused intense passions, as they were so out of accord with anything that had previously happened on the cricket field.
"Targeting the bowling along the line of the batsman's body was regarded by the Australian crowds as vicious, unsporting and especially after repeatedly battering the batsmen, 'hitting a man when he was down and certainly no part of cricket'."
Police protection With everything to play for, and feelings running at fever pitch, the Adelaide match opened in front of packed stands.
Cricket bible Wisden would later call it "probably the most unpleasant Test ever played".
Australian captain Bill Woodfull was left staggering after being struck just above the heart by Larwood.
The booing lasted for three minutes, despite the fact England had not yet deployed Bodyline tactics in the match.
That would change though, moments later, when Jardine called out to Larwood: "Well bowled Harold," and set the fielders in the hated Bodyline formation. Police had to be deployed on the boundary.
The next day, Oldfield had his skull cracked and Larwood had to be escorted from the ground.
It was almost inevitable the problems would overflow from the playing field. But no-one could have predicted it would lead to three events then unthinkable in cricket.
MCC tour manager Pelham Warner, seeking to smooth relationships, was sent packing by the normally placid Woodfull with what were, for some years, the 25 most famous words in sport.
"I don't want to see you, Mr Warner. There are two teams out there. One is trying to play cricket and the other is not."
'Hysterical' reaction The comment, made in the previously sacrosanct dressing room, was leaked to the press.
The next day, Australian Board of Control for International Cricket sent a cable to the MCC which described England's tactics as "unsportsmanlike".
Mr Chadwick said: "The MCC reacted with incredulity to the Australian messages that the tactics were unsportsmanlike and they felt it was really out of the question that an MCC team led by a gentleman of Douglas Jardine's character could possibly behave in such a manner.
"The archives really do show the feeling was 'Oh, the Australians are being a bit hysterical about it'."
Bodyline field in place  

The Bodyline fielding positions - crowding the batsman on the leg-side in the hope of catching deflected balls - were later outlawed
But the situation spiralled. Jardine threatened to withdraw his team from the remaining two matches unless the allegation was retracted.
Stoked by newspaper reports, each country backed its own players.
The standoff only ended when Australian Prime Minister Joseph Lyons told the cricket board a British boycott of Australian goods could cripple the country.
England won the series 4-1. Bradman's batting average was cut to a merely excellent 56. But the shock lasted for years.
'National disdain' Mr Studham said he felt Bodyline was one of those sporting "rite of passage" stories all Australian children learn about.
"The on-field tactics and resulting carnage at the third Test in Adelaide split already strained relations between the teams, the game's governing authorities, and even threatened to split the governments.
"While perfectly legal at the time, it left lasting ill-feeling in Australia where it was seen to be outside the spirit of the game.
"The fact that a few years later the laws of cricket were amended to ban Bodyline bowling contributed greatly to its continuing national disdain."
Continue reading the main story

“Start Quote

He was totally betrayed by the establishment”
Ducan Hamilton Larwood biographer
Mr Chadwick said: "The MCC did not have any advance warning of the tactics which Jardine was using and wasn't really aware of the impact - all they were getting was newspaper reports and telegraph messages of the score.
"When they saw it for themselves they realised this really wasn't the sort of cricket they had always set themselves up to promote as containing the best values of Britishness and gentlemanly fair play."
Jardine retired from first class cricket the following year. Larwood's agony was more extended.
Hated hero Injured through over-bowling, he was then stunned at his treatment by cricket's hierarchy.
Mr Hamilton said: "He was totally betrayed by the establishment. They treated him like toxic waste.
"He was asked to apologise and he rightly refused, saying he had done what his captain had asked. He got no support for his injury.
"On his return to Nottingham he was met by cheering crowds 10,000-strong. He went from that to being vilified. The whole thing was a tragedy."
Larwood never played for England again. On the advice of some of his old Bodyline foes, he emigrated to Australia in 1950 - becoming firm friends with Bert Oldfield.
He was appointed MBE in 1993, at the age of 88. A statue of him was unveiled in Kirby-in-Ashfield, close to his birthplace, in 2002.

Courtesy: BBC News

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-nottinghamshire-21013615#FBM180511
 

Saturday, January 12, 2013

Runaway grandmother sparked savage skirmish on LoC



Indian bunker construction on the northern reaches of the Line of Control — initiated after a grandmother crossed into Pakistan-administered Kashmir to be with her sons — sparked off a spiral of violence which culminated in the brutal killing of two soldiers in an ambush earlier this week, highly placed military and government sources have told The Hindu.
The clashes, among the worst on the Line of Control since a ceasefire went into place, have provoked fears that the ceasefire may melt down. In India, news that the two soldiers were beheaded has provoked widespread outrage and calls for large-scale military retaliation.
Innocuous origins
However, the officials who spoke to The Hindu had a very different account — of how a relatively innocuous incident spiralled into a series of murderous clashes, before culminating in the killing of Lance-Naik Sudhakar Singh and Lance-Naik Hemraj. Both armies, the officials said, engaged in aggressive action, driven by the still-fraught situation on the Line of Control.
Early in September, 70-year old Reshma Bi, left the village of Charonda, near Uri, to live with her sons and grandchildren across the Line of Control.
Ms. Reshma and her husband Ibrahim Lohar, a highly-placed military source said, had remained in Charonda after their sons crossed into Pakistan-administered Kashmir several years ago, to escape police investigations of their alleged role in cross-border trafficking. Police officers contacted by The Hindu said that Ms. Reshma appeared to have left in the hope of living out her last years with her family.
Ms. Reshma’s September 11 flight, a senior Srinagar-based military official said, set off alarms at the Uri-headquartered 19 infantry brigade. There, the incident was seen as highlighting vulnerabilities in defences along this stretch of the Line of Control. Charonda is located within metres of the Line of Control, outside of the three-layer counter-infiltration fencing which runs along the frontier.
Inside of a week after Ms. Reshma’s departure, troops of the 9 Maratha Light Infantry began constructing observations bunkers around Charonda, seeking to monitor the movement of villagers.
The construction work — barred by the terms of the Line of Control ceasefire which India and Pakistan agreed on in 2003 — provoked furious protests from Pakistani troops. Indian commanders, the military source said, conceded that the construction was in violation of the ceasefire.
However, they refused to stop work, arguing that the posts faced out towards the village, posing no threat to Pakistan. Early in October, the official said, tensions began to escalate. Pakistan even made announcements over a public address system, demanding that Indian troops end the construction work.
Following the announcement, shells followed. Pakistani troops fired mortar and high-calibre automatic weapons at Indian forward positions. The fire missed its intended target, but killed three villagers, 25-year-old Mohammad Shafi Khatana, 20-year-old Shaheena Bano, and a ninth-grade school student, Liaqat Ali. In the weeks leading up to the New Year, military sources said, hardly a week went by without occasional shots being fired at troops headed to the new observation posts.
Finally, on January 6, matters came to a head. Following a low-grade exchange of fire that night, 19 Infantry Division commander Gulab Singh Rawat sought and obtained permission for aggressive action against the Pakistani position from where his troops were being targeted.
Pakistan insists its post, Sawan Patra, was raided by Indian troops. India has denied the allegation. “None of our troops crossed the Line of Control,” said Jagdish Dahiya, an Indian army spokesperson.
Either way, though, a Pakistani soldier was dead before the shooting ended — and another critically injured.
“Let’s just put it this way,” a senior government official in New Delhi said, “there was no formal permission to stage a cross-border raid to target Sawan Patra. However, in the heat of fighting, these things have been known to happen. Pakistan has done this, and our forces have done this, ever since fighting began in Jammu and Kashmir in 1990.”
Pakistani retaliation
Pakistan chose to retaliate against the Indian action in one of the few sectors on the Line of Control where its troops have a relative tactical advantage. Fighting has been underway in the Krishna Ghati sector, on the southern end of the Haji Pir pass, since June. The skirmishes there had earlier claimed the life of Border Security Force constable P.K. Mishra and Indian Army soldier Harvinder Singh. The fighting in the summer also began with disputes over the construction of new border outposts by India.
Few details have emerged on the attack, but government sources in New Delhi said a Pakistani Border Action Team — assault units that in the past have been reported to consist of both jihadists and members of the élite Special Services Group — are believed to have carried out the attack.
“It is almost certainly a retaliation for what happened in Charonda”, a military official in New Delhi said. “This kind of thing has often happened in the past, though it hasn’t got quite so much media attention.”
Last year, for example, there was fierce fighting Karnah, some 140 kilometres from Srinagar after two Indian soldiers were beheaded in an attack on a forward position by a Border Action Team. Indian special forces responded by targeting a Pakistani forward post, killing several soldiers and, by the account of one military official, which The Hindu could not corroborate independently, beheaded two.
Earlier, in July, 2008, four Pakistani troops and an Indian solider were killed in fighting near Handwara, again because of disputes over the construction of new fortifications around an Indian position, code named Eagle Post. BSF constable Bhanwar Lal was killed in a separate clash along the LoC in Rajouri, while 8 Gurkha Rifles’ Jawashwar Lami Chhame died when jihadists backed by Pakistani troops shelled an Indian forward post in Poonch.
In some cases, fighting and bonhomie have gone hand in hand in different stretches of the LoC. In September 2009, Pakistani military commanders gave their Indian counterparts packets and sweets on the occasion of Eid, even as their soldiers were exchanging fire along the Krishna Ghati sector, as well as on Pargwal island, near Nikowal in Jammu.